Sovereignty vs Autonomy What Solution for Xinjiang

Runninghead:Sovereignty vs Autonomy: What Solution for Xinjiang?
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Sovereignty vs Autonomy: What Solution for Xinjiang?
Jérôme R. Torossian
University of International Business and Economics

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Self-introduction………………………………………………………………………Page 3
Introduction…………………………………………………………………................Page 4
Description of Xinjiang………………………………………………………………..Page 4-5
Xinjiang’s Geography…………………………………………………………………Page 5-6
Xinjiang’s Demography……………………………………………………………….Page 6
Xinjiang’s History ………………………………………………………………….....Page 6-7
Uyghur’s Independences……………………………………………………………....Page 7-8
Creation of Autonomous Regions in the PRC…………………………….. …………Page 8
Defending the Uyghurs……………………………………………………………......Page 9-10
The Threat of a Han Immigration in Xinjiang…………………………… …………..Page 10-11
Han’s Exploitation of Xinjiang’s Natural Resources………………………………….Page 11-12
China’s Xinjiang Policy: A Cultural Threat for the Uyghurs……………… …………Page 12
Defending China’s Territorial Integrity……………………………….. ……………..Page 12-13
Xinjiang’s Demographical Issue……………………………………………………...Page 13
National and International Threat…………………………………… …………….....Page 14
Xinjiang’s Strategic Importance for China……………………………… …………...Page 14-15
China’s Autonomous Region Policy……………………………………… ………….Page 15-16
Xinjiang’s Central Authority……………………………………………………. …....Page 16-17
Xinjiang’s Transformation and Inequality……………………………………………..Page 17
Right to Self-Determination as a last option…………………………………………. .Page 17-18
My Solution for Xinjiang………………………………………………………….…...Page 18-19

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Self-introduction
My name is Jérôme Raffi Torossian. I am a junior student at Loyola University Chicago pursuing
a double major in International Relations and Political Science, with a minor in International
Business. I am a French national with an Armenian background who got the opportunity since a
young age to travel and live in many different countries located in three distinctive continents.
These exceptional experiences along with my rich ethnic identity and the different cultures that I
have encountered made the person that I am today with a strong focus and interest in
International Relations and Politics. During my time in college, I have wrote many papers
concerning people’s right to self-determination such as the Kosovars in Kosovo, the Kurds in
Turkey, or the Armenians in the self-proclaimed republic of Nagorno-Karabakh. Before going to
China in the fall of 2015, I had no idea of how many ethnic-groups, except for the Tibetans,
China possessed. It is thanks to a Silk Road trip through Xinjiang that I have learned and began
to be interested about the region’s case. I had also the chance to discuss with many Uyghur
students in the cities of Kashgar and Urumqi about the province and the current issues. In
addition, I took a class about peoples of China during my time in Beijing, and this helped me
improve even more my understanding of the Uyghur and the Han communities.

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What's Wrong in Xinjiang, and How to Fix It?
Xinjiang, a province where formerly peoples from the western and eastern worlds used to
meet for trade, is nowadays representing the center of tensions between the Uyghur radicals and
the Han nationalists. After the Chinese Communist Party came in the region in 1949, this
western part of China saw a significant increase of Hans, who took command of the important
cities and jobs, and almost shifted the Uyghur majority. The conflict has intensified after the
discovery of many natural resources such as petroleum and gasoline. These findings angered
even more the Uyghurs as it resulted in an influx of more Hans and created a policy of
modernization in which they do not have the control of. Furthermore, the cultural and religious
differences between these two communities also play a role in the conflicts, especially after the
9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States. According to some individuals in the Uyghur
community, the Han Chinese exploits their natural resources for the benefit of the eastern
regions. As many Uyghurs feel that they are treated as second-class citizens by the Chinese
government, some nationalists have the ambition to separate themselves from China using their
right to self-determination. My essay will not discuss whether or not Xinjiang should become a
sovereign nation-state and split away from China but it is to provide an objective analysis for a
neutral solution that will benefit both the Uyghur nationalists and the Chinese government. In the
end, I will develop an observation to support my argument to manage the conflict.
Throughout its history, this region located at the center of Eurasia has been called by
many different names depending on the people occupying it. Indeed, for instance for the Han
Chinese people this province is called the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region or simply

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Xinjiang. This is often translated into English as “New Territory” or “New Dominion.”1 The
Americans would say that this region is the Far West of the People’s Republic of China.
However, for the local Uyghur community, this province is called as “Eastern Turkestan” or
even “Uyghuristan.”2 Two terms that are strictly refused by the Chinese government, which
prefers to eventually call it “Chinese Turkestan.” I personally view the name “Chinese
Turkestan” as to be somewhat controversial for the reason that Turkestan means the “land of the
Turks,” however; this territory is anything but ruled by the Turkic ethnic nationalities.
Xinjiang is a huge territory situated on the north-westernmost edge of the People’s
Republic of China. With its 1.6 million square kilometers, it is China’s largest province as it
represents one-sixth of China as a whole.3 In term of physical size, Xinjiang is the eighth largest
in the world, behind India but above Argentina. It is politically and economically crucial for
China, as it borders many different countries such as Mongolia, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India as a pivot.4 The region is made up of two vast
deserts: the Taklamakan and the Gurbantünggüt, and it is surrounded by such high mountains as
the Altai, the Pamir and the Kharakunlun.5 Furthermore, Xinjiang is particular for the country as
it is home to Lop Nor, China’s only nuclear weapon test site. In addition, it possesses both the
second highest and second lowest places on earth. Consequently, its climate is drastic: varying
between cold in the winter and hot in the summer times, with typically no rain and brilliant
1 Starr, Frederick. Xinjiang: China’s Muslim Borderland. New-York: M.E. Sharpe, 2004,p.6
2 Ibid.,p.6
3 Ibid.,p.29
4 Ibid.,p.29
5 Xinjiang the Land and the People. Beijing:New Word Press,1989, p.7-p.17

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sunshine.6 Because of its gigantic territory, Xinjiang is rich in natural resources, and it is not
surprising that former Premier Zhou Enlai called it “a land of treasures.”7
The demography of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region is diverse since ancient times.
It had been the home of many different nationalities, but the Uyghurs, a Turkic Muslim minority,
is mainly located in south Xinjiang around the Tarim Basin. However, many other ethnic
nationalities also live in Xinjiang such as the Han, the Kazakh, the Kyrgyz, the Mongol, Manchu,
Hui and many more.8 Overall, there are about thirteen minority groups.9 In total, this region hosts
around 22 million people, which the Uyghurs make up 45% of the total population.10 It is
interesting to note that before the region was incorporated into the People’s Republic of China,
the Han Chinese population represented less than 6% of the 4 million in 1948.11 At that time, the
Turkic nationality was still predominant. It is in recent days that the region has seen a significant
increase of Han Chinese, which now accounts for around 40% of the current population. It is
believed that there are around 250,000 Hans that are migrating to Xinjiang each year.12
In order to understand more about the current issue, an overview of Xinjiang history of its
own is more than necessary. It was in this region that those traveling the Silk Road since
6 Xinjiang the Land and the People. Beijing:New Word Press,1989, p.19
7 Ibid.,p.22
8 Ibid.,p.182
9 Millward,James.Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang. New-York: Columbia University Press,2007,p.244
11 Blum, Susan; Jensen, Lionel. China Off Center. Honolulu:University of Hawaii Press,2002, p.74
12 Moneyhon, Matthew. Controlling Xinjiang: Autonomy on China’s “New Frontier”. Asian-Pacific Law& Policy
Journal,No.3. 2002,p.148

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archeological times to exchange goods from the west and east of the Eurasia.13 As a result, many
people with different cultures and religions met here. Since Xinjiang was an interesting region
for many empires, it has been under the control of many different rulers. Yet, these holding by
imperial powers were often temporary.14 This western region did not constitute a political entity
until the Qing dynasty defeated the Mongolian Zungars in 1760 and put it under its control.15 As
a matter of fact, the name “Xinjiang” was first recommended by a Han Chinese General Zuo
Zongtang and thus adopted by the Manchu Qing Emperor in the late eighteen century.16 After the
Qing dynasty collapsed from a republican revolution in 1912, Yang Zengxin, a former Urumqi
Circuit Intendant and Commissioner for Judicial Affairs, took the region under his rule.17 Yang
was pretty firm from preventing any influences entering his territory that he successfully
maintained his benevolent control over the region for sixteen years, thanks to the WWI that
engaged both Britain and Russia18 In 1928, Yang’s ruling ceased after a Coup D’état staged by a
pro-Soviet warlord who was in favor of the KMT government in Nanjing.19
In consequences, some Uyghur elites were twice successful in forming a semi-
independent state. After many rebellions against their “infidel” Chinese rulers, some Uyghurs
were able to establish on November 12, 1933 a short independent Eastern Turkistan Republic in
15 Ibid.,p.102-103
17 Ibid.,p.168
18 Ibid.,p.183-183
19 Ibid.,p.187

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southern Xinjiang.20 They did not choose the name Republic of Uyghuristan for the reason that
this region was also the home of other Turkic minorities such as the Kyrgyzs.21 This state failed
to receive international recognition by the Western powers and was soon defeated by Sheng
Shicai, a KMT warlord with the help of the Soviet Union.22 Yet, the Uyghurs found again the
power in 1944 to create a Second Eastern Turkestan Republic, with the help of the Soviet Union
against Sheng because of its betrayal to Stalin being assaulted by Hitler.23 This time, the puppet
Soviet state located on the northwestern side of Xinjiang was able to survive five years until all
of Xinjiang is peacefully united by the Communist People’s Liberation Army in 1949, with the
assistance of the Soviet Union as well.24 Miserably, Uyghurs lost their outstanding revolutionary
leaders in a plane crash on their way to Beijing by way of Soviet Union. Nowadays, some radical
Uyghurs see this as a form of imperialist conspiracy.
As the Soviet Union was also controlling a huge amount of land with many diverse ethnic
nationalities in its control, the Chinese Communist Government adopted its concept of
“nationality” to manage ethnic-national differences.25 However, this new China did not create
national republics in non-Chinese areas. Instead, it opted with a system of nationality regional
Autonomy by non-Han peoples at different administrative levels.26 Since then, the Communist
Party has to make sure that this “autonomy” was not to be mistaken for independence. Instead,
20 Ibid.,p.201
21 Ibid.,p.203
22 Millward,James.Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang. New-York: Columbia University Press,2007,p.206-
207
23 Ibid.,p.225
24 Starr, Frederick. Xinjiang: China’s Muslim Borderland. New-York: M.E. Sharpe, 2004,p.85-86
25 Ibid.,p.91
26 Ibid.,p.91

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the CCP needed to be clear to the minorities that their territories are parts of China. Since the
majority of the people living in Xinjiang were Uyghurs and some of them had taken part in the
Revolution, a unified Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region was founded in October 1955.27 In
the 1990s, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, a significant number of Uyghur nationalists
dissatisfied with the nominal autonomy declared their intention to separate themselves from
China. This reaction grew higher when the three former-soviet Muslim republics of Central Asia
gained their own independence in 1991. However, Jiang Zemin in Beijing, fearing that such new
independence of the neighboring states of Central Asia might destabilize the region, decided to
stop the nationalist’s demonstrations with harder hand.28 The culmination of the tension was the
209 bloody conflict in Urumqi and since then, a deadlock of demanding for autonomy vs. a harsh
stability maintaining as we see today.
As in this paper I am starting to defend the Uyghur population of Xinjiang, I would like
to say that according to the Article I of the Charter of the United Nations, all the peoples have the
right to self-determination, “to freely determine their political status and freely pursue economic,
social and cultural development.”29 Since the People’s Republic of China is a member of the
United Nations, I sincerely believe that China should know that self-determination is a human
right and one of the fundamental purposes and principles of the United Nations. From what I
have heard while interviewing some Uyghur students, Xinjiang, or as they call it “Eastern
Turkestan,” has actually never been part of China. They argue that it was “sadly” integrated into
28 Starr, Frederick. Xinjiang: China’s Muslim Borderland. New-York: M.E. Sharpe, 2004,p.118-119
29 ArticleI of the Charter of the United Nations

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Chinese control not until the 18th century. Through my research, I have read that forty years after
the Qing dynasty invaded Xinjiang; there were around 155,000 Han and Hui Chinese in the
region while the Uyghurs were representing twice that number.30 Demographically, I found that
92% of the total population of the province was mostly Uyghurs while the Han Chinese
represented only less than 6% before the PRC.31 32 According to many Uyghurs and some
foreign observers, the Chinese government used the 2000 Great Development of the West
campaign mainly to attract as many Han Chinese as possible into the province.33 Nicolas
Becquelin, a French researcher, argued that the Chinese government promoted Xinjiang to the
Han Chinese so that the demographical change could increase the security and potentially reduce
nationalist tensions.34 It is worth to note that in terms of security, Beijing significantly
maintained a considerable military presence in Xinjiang.35 One of the Uyghur students that I
have interviewed declared that the Uyghurs are more closely related to the Central Asian peoples
and nations than to the Han Chinese and China. In addition, he added that his people do not share
anything with the Han Chinese, except the fact that they are currently living in the same country.
Jiang Zemin once said in 1990 that “if you haven’t been to Xinjiang, you’re not a good Han!”36
As a result of this campaign, a large number of Han Chinese settled in the region and increased
30 Millward,James.Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang. New-York: Columbia University Press,2007,p. 306
31 Blum, Susan; Jensen, Lionel. China Off Center. Honolulu:University of Hawaii Press,2002, p.73-76
34 Ibid.,p.308

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even more the Han population, which currently accounts for 40% of Xinjiang’s total
inhabitants.37
For many Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities, the sharp increase of Han Chinese into
the region over the years has threatened their own cultures, traditions, and languages, especially
by imposing the Chinese language.38 These Muslim nationalities are complaining for the reason
that the Han Chinese are in possession of all the jobs and that usually the open positions are
primarily given first to the Han Chinese.39 Therefore, it makes it difficult for the Uyghurs to find
a work. For instance, the Uyghurs protest because they cannot work in any of the construction
sites located in the cities of southern Xinjiang because they are full of Hans.40 A worker from
Sichuan province declared to a Western reporter that the reason the Chinese do not hire any
Uyghurs is because “we cannot communicate with them. We don’t know their language […] The
locals don’t eat port nor rice.”41 I personally think that this explanation is not valid because from
my own experience I can tell that Uyghurs actually love rice. The non-Han Chinese argue that
this Han population growth also harms their native traditional way of life. With the mass Han
immigration in the region, especially in the cities, all the urban areas containing Hans are
transformed and modernized under the Chinese standard.42 I believe that this modernization plan
should be negotiated with the local population instead of being ordered by the Chinese
government. Moreover, the Uyghurs are strongly dissatisfied with the Han exploitation of
37 Ibid.,p.307
41 Ibid.,p.305
42 Ibid.,p.308

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Xinjiang’s natural resources. This is the reason why many Uyghurs feel discriminated by the
Hans and have the impression of being treated as second-class citizens in the People’s Republic
of China.
Indeed, Xinjiang has a large territory and possesses a significant amount of natural
resources such as oil, coal, and 118 kinds of minerals.43 I argue that these resources can be
helpful for economically developing the region. However, the natural resources of the province
are exploited by the Han Chinese and directly sent to the eastern regions of China for their own
benefits.44 So even though Xinjiang still benefits from these resources, its profit is not as high as
what the eastern Han regions receive.45
Chinese policy in Xinjiang radically violates Uyghurs right to freedom of religion,
expression, association, and assembly. One official document clearly prohibits parents and legal
guardians from “allowing minors to participate in religious activities.”46 Furthermore, it is
radically forbidden to study religious texts, celebrating religious holidays, or dress in agreement
with Islam.47 The Chinese government goes so far as to censor parts of the Koran and often
control mosques. In addition, state authorities are preventing the Uyghurs in doing the Ramadan
as they force those working in state-owned workplace to eat their lunches.48 Last January, the
Chinese police arrested Ilham Tohti, an Uyghur teacher from Minzu University, who was
43 Xinjiang the Land and the People. Beijing:New Word Press,1989, p.22-28
46 Grieboski,Joseph. Tension, Repression, And Discrimination: China’s Uyghurs Under Threat. Georgetown Journal
on International Affairs,2014.Web.
47 Ibid.
48 Ibid.

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particularly critical of the central government’s policy towards Xinjiang. This is a serious threat
culturally for the Uyghurs as it even restricts them from doing their most important pilgrimage to
Mecca.49
In contrast, Xinjiang should stay an autonomous region within the People’s Republic of
China for the reason that this province represents by itself one-sixth of China’s total land area.50
This consists a huge amount of land as its size could be viewed as if Great Britain, France,
Germany, and Spain were all combined as one nation. This province is significantly suitable as
the cropland covers an area of 3,333,330 hectares, and which an additional 11 million hectares
are waiting for reclamation.51 Moreover, the People’s Republic of China would suffer the loss of
its second largest pastureland.52 With its 1.3 billion people, China cannot afford to lose that much
land, especially when this area is full of useful resources for its economic development. In fact,
China would lose a significant amount of natural resources necessary for its national growth such
as petroleum and gasoline, which represents more than 25% of the national total.53 As Xinjiang
produces over 20 million tons of oil annually, it would mean that China would be deprived of its
fourth-biggest oil producing region.54 In addition, China would lose one-third of its total coal
reserves, which accounts to a total of 160,000,000 tons.55 Likewise, from the 145 kinds of
49 Ibid.
52 Ibid.,p.24
53 Xinjiang’s natural resources. China.org.Web. 29 Nov. 2015.

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minerals found in China, Xinjiang possesses 118 of them.56 Furthermore, China would no longer
have Xinjiang’s 600,000 hectares of water, including 51 freshwater lakes larger than 5 square
kilometers.57 All of these losses could have a great impact on the Chinese economy.
Likewise, this question poses a demographic problem for the reason that Xinjiang is no
longer mostly Uygur as it was in the past. Indeed, after the CCP entered the region in 1949, the
Uyghurs saw their majority decreasing tremendously as the Han Chinese settled in the province.
Nowadays, the Uyghurs represent 45% of Xinjiang’s population while the Han Chinese account
for 40%.58 Independence could create a severe ethnic conflict between the two communities,
which could potentially lead into a full-scale war if China decides to protect its Chinese citizens
or a tragedy of ethnic cleansing as in 1947 between India and Pakistan.
In addition, the Uyghur’s independence in Xinjiang might represent a significant national
threat to China’s sovereignty. As the People’s Republic of China is home to 55 ethnic minorities
without counting the Uyghurs, the Tibetans and the people in Taiwan might even push harder to
ask for their own independence as well. At the same time, this threat would not only be Chinese,
but also become a global one, especially to the countries who have ethnic nationalities who ask
as well for their own freedom. For instance, I am mainly thinking about the Catalans in Spain,
the Kurds in Turkey, or even the Basques in France and in Spain.
56 Ibid.,p.26
57 Ibid.,p.26
58 Ibid.,p.182

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The People’s Republic of China is a big country, which borders fourteen different
nations. The region of Xinjiang shares its frontier with eight countries, in which some of them
are unstable or are strategically and economically important, especially because of the Shanghai
Corporation Organization.59 In recent years, China has invested enormously in the region. I
mainly refer to the modernization of the large cities, and even about the 2006 oil pipeline
construction between Kazakhstan and China, which imports up to 20 million tons of Kazakh oil
annually.60 In the future, China has planned to build even more oil pipelines that would connect
China with the Central Asian nations. Therefore, this shows that China not only wants to keep,
but also strengthen its diplomatic relationship with the Central Asian nations, and sincerely do
not want to lose direct contact with these economic partners. In addition, the Chinese
government spent more money for the construction of a high-speed railway train that connects
the city of Lanzhou to Urumqi. Moreover, President Xi Jinping has recently launched the “One
Belt, One Road,” which consists in boosting China’s economy, essentially by building oil and
gas pipeline connecting China up to Western European countries.61 As a result, losing Xinjiang
as part of China is not even a question to argue on according to the Chinese government.
Article 27 from the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights states that
“In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to
such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their
59 Blum, Susan; Jensen, Lionel. China Off Center. Honolulu:University of Hawaii Press,2002, p.73
61 Mibfelder, Philipp. China’sNew Silk Road Initiative Will Boost The Global Economy. The Huffington Post, 2015.
Web.

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group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own
language.”62 China signed this treaty, but it is still not ratified by the government. Yet, the
country adopted a constitution in 1954, in which it declares that all the different nationalities
should not suffer from discrimination and oppressive acts.63 In addition, it says that they are free
to use their own language and preserve their customs and traditions.64 Likewise, it authorizes the
minorities to live in a given territory where they can use their right to regional autonomy.65
However, minority rights remain a significant issue in China. Matthew Moneyhon, an expert on
the problem, argues that China’s policy towards ethnic nationalities shows a “give and take”
procedure between the government and the autonomous regions.66 Moneyhon’s “give and take”
argument is that the government gives nationalities the rights to have their autonomy and
administer their internal affairs, but that the Chinese government takes them back as any
regulation “shall be submitted to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress for
approval.”67 Therefore, the powers given to Xinjiang are in fact under the control of Beijing.
Hurst Hannum, a professor of International Law, gives interesting criteria acceptable for
an autonomous region such as Xinjiang.68 First of all, Xinjiang should have an independent local
legislative body whose regulations should not need the approval of the state. Article 116 of the
62 International Covenanton Civil and Political Rights.ohchr.org.1966,Part3, article27
63 Constitution of the People’s Republic of China.e-chaupak.net. 1954,Chapter 1, article3
64 Ibid.
65 Ibid.
67 Constitution of the People’s Republic of China.npc.gov.cn. 1982,Section 6, article116

17
1982 Constitution and article 19 of the 1984 Law on Regional National Autonomy both state that
regional directives need the approval of the Standing Committee of the National People’s
Congress. Next, the chairman of the region should be chosen locally.69 Article 17 of the LRNA
says that the designated person should belong to the national who have regional power.70 While
the current chairman is a Uyghur whose name is Shohrat Zakir, he was still chosen by Beijing.71
Furthermore, the region should have its own local judiciary system. Even though article 27 of
LRNA gives the right to use the region’s language in courts, the previous article proclaims that
local courts “shall be supervised by the Supreme People’s Court.”72 This demonstrates that the
Xinjiang’s judicial courts are not independent of Beijing’s authority. Lastly, the region should be
in full autonomy and governance as arranged between the central and autonomous governments.
However, the central government still has power over Xinjiang as it has the final decision on any
local regulations. This shows that the central government does not totally accept any kind of
autonomy in Xinjiang and remain the main power.
I personally believe that it is unacceptable that Xinjiang’s ethnic nationalities are being
considered as foreigners in their own land, and that they do not benefit, in contrast to the Han
Chinese, of the natural resources of their region. All of the cities that are inhabited by the Han
Chinese are transformed and modernized under the Chinese standards. I was able to see that on
69 Ibid.,p.142
70 Law on Regional National Autonomy. China.org.cn. 1984,Chapter 2, article17
72 Law on Regional National Autonomy. China.org.cn. 1984,Chapter 2, article16

18
my own when I traveled to Urumqi last summer. The Uyghur architecture and heritage are
disappearing progressively because of this modernization plan and the large Han migration.
According to one of the Uyghur student that I have interviewed, most of the high officials and
military officers in Xinjiang are all Han Chinese. In addition, it is mostly the Chinese people who
are in control of all of the jobs while the Uyghurs and other ethnic nationalities remain
concentrated in the traditional work such as agriculture and livestock. Moreover, the central
authorities always give preference to Chinese people rather than local nationalities in order to
access to jobs, education, or even health care. The Uyghur language is not even useful in order to
find a job, unless if it is a work in farming or husbandry. In addition, I have heard through my
interview that Xinjiang is also known for some people as to be the “Siberia of China” for the
reason that the Chinese government has built many camps for criminals and political prisoners.
I have always been in favor for people’s right to self-determination; however, I think that
in that case this right should be used as a last option for the Uyghurs. Indeed, the vast majority of
the Uyghur people do not actually want to separate themselves with China as this country is
significantly growing economically. Having an independent Xinjiang might not be the best
solution for the Uyghurs as they would be entirely isolated and would have no direct link to the
sea. In addition, many new generations of Hans Chinese were also born and live in that land, and
they probably do not want to reside in another country than China. Let’s imagine a second if
Xinjiang becomes a new Central Asian nation-state. What type of nation will it be? Will it be a
democratic or a repressive regime? Having oil and gas as natural resources to grow a country’s
economy is certainly good, but will Xinjiang become like Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan or even

19
Azerbaijan? Will the people of Xinjiang truly benefit from these resources or will they profit
only a few individuals or a single family? These are the main concerns that can change the future
of a newborn state with plentiful of natural resources in the negative direction.
Ultimately, the vast majority of the Uyghur people ask the Chinese to comply with their
Uyghur and Muslim identity, ideally in a “Uyghuristan” which would have a real degree of
autonomy while still being united with China. I argue that the main solution in order to stop the
conflict between the Uyghur radicals and the Han nationalists is by totally eliminating the
discrimination over the Uyghur people such as in the religious context or in the daily life in
general. The Uyghurs, not only the Han Chinese, should have a voice when it comes to the
modernization of the region for the reason that they are a majority and they do not feel like Hans.
In fact, the Uyghurs have a culture, a religion, a perception of the world in which they cannot
comply with the Chinese modernization model without renouncing to their identity. In addition,
the Uyghurs and the Han Chinese should equally benefit from Xinjiang’s natural resources.
These resources should evenly contribute to the development of the province, in the cities and in
the countryside, and not just largely sent to the eastern regions. The use of Chinese should not be
the only language required in order to find a job in the cities, and I suggest that some schools
teach Chinese and Uyghur to the children of Xinjiang. In order to represent the majority of the
people at the regional level, the central authorities should consist of both 50% Uyghur and Han
Chinese officials. Lastly, the Chinese government should cease its policy of promoting the Han
migration into Xinjiang in order to make the Chinese a majority compared to the Uyghurs. I
sincerely believe that if the Uyghur population is treated fairly like the Han Chinese, the desire

20
for independence would cease tremendously as they would not feel as being viewed as second-
class citizens. The People’s Republic of China is home to 56 ethnic nationalities, and all of the
citizens of this country should receive the same treatment and live in peace and harmony.
Overall, if the Chinese government gives more rights to their Uyghur compatriots, China would
gain the Uyghur’s loyalty, and the Xinjiang issue would not only be resolved, but the country as
a whole would benefit the most from this reform.

21
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