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S C O T T I S H M U S L I M N A T I O N A L I S T S
Master’s Thesis, Multiculturalism in comparative perspective
Cultural Anthropology, Utrecht University
Karlijn Tummers
3249166
karlijntummers@hotmail.com
Supervisor: Prof. Patrick Eisenlohr
August 30th
, 2009
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C H A P T E R 4
C I V I C N A T I O N A L I S M
A N D T H E S C O T T I S H N A T I O N A L
P A R T Y ( S N P )
Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 3
Introduction
“It is not rare that Muslims support Scottish nationalism! The Scottish National Party
(SNP) embraces a different form of nationalism: civic nationalism. The SNP focuses on
shared values instead of religious, ethnic or racial values, meaning that the SNP does not
focus on superficial features. To be part of the SNP simply means loving the country
and that does not mean that you have to agree with everything” (Participant quote).
European ‘nationalism’ is often associated with ethnic exclusion and right wing populism. Some
right wing parties across Europe embrace ethnic terms to define national identities, thereby
directly excluding minorities such as Muslims. For example, in the Netherlands, Geert Wilders is
the embodiment of an extreme right politician, who openly embraces a Dutch national identity
tied to ethnic features. Scotland is another example of a country with an influential nationalistic
political party that strives to become an independent nation. In contrast to most other European
nationalist movements, Scottish nationalism is supported by Scottish Muslims. After the recent
European elections of 2009, it became evident that Scottish nationalism was growing with the
victory of the Scottish National Party (SNP) that stands for Scottish nationalism and
independence. Osama Saeed (29 years old, SNP candidate) said after the European elections:
“Europe steers rightward, but Scotland moves to the left”. The fact that the SNP, a Scottish
nationalist movement won does not mean that Scotland moves rightward, as might be expected
from the present trends among European national parties. Rather, there seems to be an unusually
inclusive relationship between Scottish Nationalism and Muslims in Glasgow, Scotland. What is
the position of Muslims in Glasgow and why does a group of Muslims support Scottish
Nationalism?
“Osama Saeed is our symbol of the Scotland of the future. He will make Scotland known
on the international level” (Alex Salmond). I am arriving at the Campaign rally and
fundraiser for Osama Saeed. Saeed is a Parliamentary Candidate of the Scottish National
Party (SNP) for the constituency Glasgow Central. As I am trying to sit down, I am
confronted with a sheet of paper on my chair. I pick it up and start reading: “We are in a
two horse race and have a great chance to win, but unlike Osama’s Labour opponent, we
do not have huge family offers to draw from! (...) Together we will win Glasgow Central
and independence!” (SNP pamphlet, 2009). (Participant Observation; private reception
with First Minister Alex Salmond at Glasgow University).
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Osama Saeed quickly became one of my key informants during my fieldwork in Glasgow. On
my first day, I learned about Saeed’s existence and influence with relation to Muslims and
Scottish Nationalism, and on my last day it became evident that his influence was only rising.
Saeed’s influence as a public figure mostly stems from his role as a Parliamentary Candidate of
the SNP. More significantly, he is the Chief Executive of the Scottish Islamic Foundation (SIF).
This dual role, as a politically and religiously involved public figure, fits perfectly into the civic
character that the SNP claims to portray. Nevertheless, as outlined in the previous chapter, it is
important to carefully analyze the civic image that the SNP claims to embrace. The SNP
establishes its civic image mostly by including Muslims; simultaneously this could cause
limitations as well. In order to research Scottish nationalism and its policy of inclusion and
exclusion as a matter of practice, I conducted participant observations, held in-dept interviews
and focus groups in Glasgow to discuss Scottish Nationalism, the SNP and the reasons why
Muslims support the SNP.
In this final chapter, I will analyze the civic image that the SNP claims to embrace in
order to better understand the position of Muslims who support the SNP. I will first answer the
question: who are the Muslims who vote for the SNP and why do they vote for the SNP? In the
second half of this chapter, I will analyze whether there are limitations of Scottish Nationalism
by answering the question: what is the influence of the SNP on the practice of inclusion and
exclusion mechanisms of Muslims in Glasgow. I then conclude with a summary.
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Scottish Muslim Nationalists
“TRUTH: Unionists often use the word nationalism incorrectly in order to suggest ethnic
strife, intolerance and isolation, thereby scaring people of the idea. Well the truth is, the
SNP believes in civic nationalism, meaning that all who live in Scotland have valued part
to play, regardless of ethnic background and place of birth. In fact, independence would
end our present isolation and allow Scotland to regain its place in the international
community as a tolerant, outward-looking country” (Federation of Student Nationalists
(FSN) pamphlet, 2009).
This is one of the “facts behind the myths” of the Federation of Student Nationalists (FSN), who
were present at the SNP Spring conference in 2009. The FSN claims that the SNP embraces a
civic form of nationalism that is free of ethnic features. Most of the Muslims I met and held
discussions with, confirmed this civic character of the SNP. Nevertheless, I kept on wondering
whether the civic character of the SNP attracts Muslims or if Muslims themselves create a civic
image for the SNP. This is an important question that could help to further analyze and
characterize the civic image of the SNP. In order to do so, I will first analyze the reasons why a
group of Muslims voted for the SNP. Before analyzing these reasons in dept, it is important to
note that the Muslim community in Scotland is a very young community: Approximately, 60%
of the total Muslim population in Scotland is under the age of 30. As a result, the group of
Muslims I have been intensively in contact with during my stay in Glasgow have been mainly
young Muslims between the ages of 18 and 30, with a few exceptions.
Over the last decade Scotland’s political direction has shifted, and as a result an
increasing number of Muslims vote for the SNP. Prior to this shift, most of these Muslims
supported and voted Labour. This shift has been mainly a result of Labour’s position on the Iraq
war and their overall position in this international political debate. As a result, many Muslims
felt betrayed by the Labour Party. Conversely, the SNP took a stand against the Iraq war and has
maintained this position continuously. Researchers Hussein & Miller (2006, p.164-166)
acknowledge that this shift became evident between the British Parliament election in 2001 and
the Scottish Parliament election in 2003. They argue that the Iraq war was the ultimate cause for
a massive elective shift from Labour to SNP. In 2001, the SNP received 13% ethnic Pakistani
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voters. In 2003, this figure had increased by 34% reaching a total of 47% of ethnic Pakistanis
voting for SNP. As a result, Labour lost 46% of ethnic Pakistani’s voters. Moreover, all of the
informants who participated in my research acknowledged the impact of the Iraq war on their
voting behavior (see appendix).
Specifically, the change in voting behavior became most evident among young Muslims.
This was mostly caused by the fact that the older generation of Muslims, who had been
supporting Labour for a very long time, either continued to support them or remained politically
neutral after the Iraq war. Overall, the SNP appears to have become the most attractive political
party for Muslims in Scotland since the Iraq war. This was confirmed by one of my older
participants, Farkhanda Chaudry: “Nowadays, the SNP seems to be the most or more genuine
party, and is taking risks. The SNP is making ground; they are saying aloud what they think.”
My informants supported this standpoint and argued that Labour ‘lost’ its formerly reliable
image to the SNP.
In addition to this political shift among Muslims, it is important to note that the SNP is
the second largest political party in Scotland. This in itself makes it more likely that people
would vote SNP after losing confidence in the labour Party. “Voting for the SNP is voting for the
lesser of two evils, nobody wants Labour anymore” (Participant quote). Moreover, a vote for the
SNP is a strategic vote. The SNP possesses the largest number of seats in Westminster after
Labour and thus could potentially become the biggest party, changing the political direction.
This is especially relevant for many Muslims, as the SNP has also taken a stand against the use
of nuclear weapons as well as offering help in Gaza. The SNP’s position within the international
community and political arena appeals to Muslims, especially young Muslims.
Nevertheless, even before the Iraq war, the SNP initiated a campaign to win Muslim
voters. In 1995, Bashir Ahmed founded ‘Asian Scots for independence’ a department of the SNP
devoted to attract more Asians. Unfortunately, Bashir Ahmed passed away on the day that I
arrived in Glasgow. Nevertheless, his name and role in the Muslim community and the SNP has
been important in this study. Among my informants he was perceived as one of the first Muslims
to join the SNP and set an example for other Muslims to follow. According to SNP members,
Bashir Ahmad joined the party in 1995, as Alex Salmond the First Minister of Scotland
persuaded him to. As a result, Bashir Ahmad set the scene and became a reason for other
Muslims to vote for The SNP as well.
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In addition to political shifts and world politics, personality and cultural sensitivity play an
important role in explaining why Muslims vote for the SNP. Alex Salmond’s (First Minister of
Scotland) and Nicola Sturgeon’s (Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish Parliament)
personality and cultural awareness appear to be very appealing to Muslims. Osama Saeed: “Anno
2009, the Iraq war is becoming less the issue now; Muslims still support the SNP. Muslims are
now supporting Salmond as a person. Salmond is taking ground. He talks with people and he
listens.” Both Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon are successful in attracting and persuading
Muslims to vote for the SNP. For example, Osama Saeed decided to become a member of the
SNP in 2003 due to Salmond. Initially, he became interested in the SNP because of the Iraq war.
Up until that point, Saeed never even thought about Scottish independence as a realistic goal as
he was raised with the idea that Scotland was too poor and too small to become independent.
Nevertheless in 2003, Saeed’s political standpoint changed completely when he attended a
lecture of Alex Salmond that Bashir Ahmad had invited him to. Salmond’s speech persuaded
Saeed to join the SNP. Today, Saeed is a strong supporter of Scottish independence and
nationalism. In addition to the impact that Salmond and Sturgeon have had on some Muslim
members of the SNP, they are very popular among Muslims in general. My informants often
referred to Salmond and Sturgeon as very nice and decent politicians who are open and inclusive
to Muslims. Some even defined them as national figures: “Muslims feel Scottish thanks to
Salmond and Sturgeon!”
Salmond’s and Sturgeon’s relationship with Muslims could be described as a symbiotic
relationship meaning that they all ‘need’ each other. One the one hand, Muslims feel welcomed
and comfortable because Salmond and Sturgeon embrace their religious and cultural
backgrounds. For example, both Salmond and Sturgeon greet Muslims with ‘as-salam-o-
alaikum’. On the other hand, Nicola Sturgeon’s political power depends heavily on the voting
behavior of Muslims. Sturgeon is the Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish
Parliament (MSP) for the constituency of Glasgow Govan. Glasgow Govan has a high
population of Muslims and as a result Sturgeon’s seat as a MSP depends on their voting results.
More significantly, Muslims possess an important role in the SNP with Sturgeon in the second
highest position of the party and the Scottish Parliament. This dual relationship creates a need on
both ends, and thus explains partly why Muslims vote SNP and play an important role in SNP’s
politics.
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Although not all Muslims who vote SNP hold value for Scottish Independence, a growing
group of Muslims support Scottish independence and thus vote SNP. “It is clear that we are
better off independent; Scotland is a very clear sovereign nation” (Participant quote).
Remarkably, most of the Muslims I interviewed were all pro-independence. Nonetheless, not all
voters who vote for the SNP automatically support Scottish independence. One could argue,
however, that there is an overlap in cultural and political beliefs among Scots who support
Scottish Independence and Pakistani immigrants. In 1972, the first non-white member joined the
SNP. Mr. Yousaf, a Pakistani immigrant and Muslim, who continued to support the SNP and
fought for Scottish independence. Unfortunately, I was unable to speak with him in person, but
his family claims that he supported the SNP because of its politicians strive for Scottish
independence. Mr. Yousaf identified with this strive, as independence plays a huge role in his
home country of Pakistan as well. As a result, it is argued that some first generation Pakistani
immigrants support the SNP because of this particular reason. However, from the data that I
gathered I was not able to confirm this. Instead, I received various answers as to why Muslims
support Scottish Independence. Surprisingly, it appears that it is mostly young Scottish Muslims
that believe and fight for Scottish independence.
Specifically, this group of young Muslims is mostly driven by an economic rather than by
a cultural argument. Humza Yousaf (23 years old, Parliamentary Press Officer for the SNP):
“Once Scotland is independent we can run our economies by ourselves.” There is a common
belief among young Scottish Muslims that Scotland will flourish economically as soon as it is an
independent nation. Hidden beneath the surface, I sensed that in addition to the economic
argument some Muslims view Scotland as ‘a makeable nation’. This could be explained partly
by the fact that some British laws are perceived to be quite ‘anti-Muslim’. These laws make it
more difficult for Muslims to practice their religion in Great Britain. Therefore some Muslims
indicate that Scottish independence would eliminate English policies and allow Muslims to live
more freely. Some participants cited that: “Once Scotland becomes independent it will give us
the opportunity to make a new start and influence the political structure, laws and so on.” This
idea of an independent nation in combination with the idea that Scotland has a more tolerant and
inclusive attitude towards immigration, multiculturalism and Islam, provides Muslims with a
possible opportunity to add a ‘distinct’ voice to the international level.
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Osama Saeed: “We believe that Scotland has an important distinctive voice to bring to the
table, coming to Muslims and Non-Muslims. Scotland has a different relationship
between Muslims and Non-Muslims, comparing to the rest of the world. “Why is
Scotland different?” “We take for granted that we are Scottish. I always knew who I was:
Scottish. We want to build the capacity in Scotland, harmonize it with the Islamic
principles and bring it to an international level.”
In addition to a distinctive Scottish character, Muslims claim to possess a lot of space and
freedom to practice their religion. All of my participants were very positive and satisfied with the
level of freedom and accommodation they receive to practice their religion in Scotland. They
argue that the SNP tolerates their religion and by voting SNP, Muslims can maintain this
position. Interestingly, my informants often argued that they were convinced that Scotland is the
best place to be a Muslim.
Osama Saeed: “Muslims have their own space; we do not need to debate about it.”
Farkhanda Chaudry: “Scotland is the best place to be valued and have space to practice
your faith! When I go to work, I will have provision to pray, they make me feel
comfortable to pray. In the schools they are selling halal food, at the seminary there is
space for Muslims buriers as well.”
My research does not allow me to make any comparisons or draw any conclusions as to whether
these claims are true in comparison with other European countries. Nevertheless, the fact that
Muslims in Glasgow experience these feelings and claim that they have ‘more’ space to practice
their religion, explains in part why Scottish independence and the SNP appeals to them.
Moreover, SNP’s emphasis on family and community values resonates with Islamic values.
During interviews and focus groups, Scottish Muslims often referred to these values and argued
that this is one of the reasons why they vote SNP. In general, I also wondered whether the
relationship between Muslims and Scottish Nationalism is related to the role that religion plays
in overall Scottish society. Unfortunately, I did not have enough time to research the role of
religion in Scotland in general, but the literature available as well as having experienced life in
Scotland gave me the impression that Scotland is less ‘secularized’ than the Netherlands, for
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example. Some scholars even argue that the separation of state and church is less ‘stiff’ in
Scotland than in other European countries (Asad, 2003) (Bowen, 2007).
At last, nationalism in itself is a reason why some Muslims vote SNP. Young Scottish
Muslims who were born in Scotland are proud of their country and as a result want to improve
their country. Interestingly, I noticed that the longer I was around these young Scottish Muslim
Nationalists, the less I thought this relationship was unusual. For Scottish Muslim Nationalists, it
is ‘logical’ that they are nationalists, ‘fighting’ for their country. According to most European
media, it is hard to believe that Muslims are part of European nation states, and could even be
European Nationalists. The young Scottish Muslims who participated in this study explained that
this image makes their nationalistic feelings even stronger. Because people will not assume that
they are Scottish by their religion and skin color, they are trying to prove the media and
prejudices wrong: They feel Muslim on the one hand and Scottish on the other hand. They argue
that these two identities go hand in hand and as a result the term ‘Scottish Muslim Nationalist’ is
not a contradiction but rather a logical description.
Limitations of Scottish Nationalism
Even though the SNP claims to embrace a civic form of nationalism, this form has inevitable
limitations as well. Obviously, the SNP draws a clear border between Scotland and England.
Moreover, even though Muslims seem to support Scottish Nationalism, there are limitations that
are visible within the society.
The SNP portrays itself as a party that embraces civic nationalism and strives to make
Scotland independent. This in itself could create an inherent contradiction; if the SNP is a party
supporting an open and inclusive political direction, why do they want to become independent?
The SNP members that I have encountered argued that their wish to become independent is still
open and based upon an economic argument. They want to be able to shape their own economy
and political power in order to maintain its own policies, which are very ‘distinct’ from English
policies. Nevertheless, as argued in the previous chapter, the SNP has Anglophobic features and
as a result uses stiff language that causes an obvious distinction between us ‘Scots’ and them
‘English’ that leans towards a more ethnic form of nationalism (Hussein ed., 2006).
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Within Scottish politics there is another obvious territorial border, namely between the
SNP and the Labour Party. The SNP and its members portray Labour as their enemy.
Interestingly, I found out that members of the Labour Party were literally excluded from the SNP
Spring Conference in 2009. Where does this leave Independent Scotland when Scotland itself is
divided? It is important to keep in mind that the highest percentage of votes that the SNP has
received thus far is only 35%. Scotland is politically divided on this issue, meaning that most
Scots do not necessarily support the SNP or Scotland’s independence. Nevertheless, in light of
the fact that the SNP is currently in power, it creates an impression that most Scots support
Scottish independence. As a result, the ‘we’ of the SNP is limited, but it seems hard to define
‘how’ limited. I asked Sandra White, Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP): “Who will be a
real Scot if Scotland becomes independent?” She answered: “You can still have dual identities,
all the people living here on the day of independence will be Scottish! Dual nationalities will be
accepted. But still the Scottish identity will be important.”
How does the ‘we’ that the SNP refers to impact minorities in Scottish society? As
discussed previously in this chapter, the SNP includes Muslims and embraces their religion and
culturally diverse background in their politics. Simultaneously, this could exclude other
minorities in the society as well, such as atheists. “By including Muslims in their politics, the
SNP proves that they embrace inclusiveness; it shows that you are engaged” (Participant quote).
It is questionable, however, whether the SNP includes Muslims because they are in general
embracing civic nationalism or because this group is internationally ‘popular’ and a way to put
Scotland on the map as a distinct, and ‘better’ nation. Since my research is clearly limited in
space and time, I cannot answer this question based on my results. Nevertheless, the SNP openly
discusses that they wish to become more known and powerful in the international community.
The SNP wishes to break away from Great Britain and be acknowledged as an independent
nation within the European Union. As described earlier, the members of the SNP emphasized
many times that Osama Saeed will put Scotland on the international level. In fact, Muslims have
a large international network and strong connections all over the globe due to immigration. The
SNP promises to maintain this network to make Scotland ‘bigger’. For example, In October
2009, there will be a Scottish Islamic event advertised on the website of the Scottish Islamic
Foundation (SIF) as follows: “Etisal ’09, Scottish-Islamic Investment Expo. This Expo aims to
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encourage trade and investment between Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) countries
and Scotland”.
Even though, most Muslims appreciate these SNP ideas, there have been some critical
responses as well. Some of my participants accused the SNP of ‘using’ the Muslim identity.
“Speaking in terms of Scottish Muslim is dangerous. I have never heard of American
Christians. We are taking it too far. Religion should stay personal. It is dangerous to make it
public. The SNP and Osama are promoting Muslims. They use the term to promote Muslims
and say it only for the good of Muslims. We should not promote political faith, what about
other faiths? We should vote SNP because of relating to their policy not because they are
nice to Muslims. Osama could be dangerous it is all about religion. SNP could do long term
damage by using the Muslim identity. The SNP should be broad, it is a political vehicle”
(Participant quote).
Whether the SNP is consciously using the term ‘Muslim’ or not, there is a clear visibility of
Muslims within the party. At public meetings of the SNP, I noticed that there was a lot of
attention paid to the Asian community and voters. Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon openly
refer to this minority using the term Muslim often. Even though, Osama Saeed does not want to
be portrayed as a Muslim candidate, he is a publicly known Muslim. This fact makes it almost
impossible not to see him as a Muslim candidate of the SNP. As a result, the continuous focus on
his religious identity as well as his Scottish identity creates a barrier within the political party.
Muslims who are supporting the SNP are still a ‘distinct’ group. By openly including Muslims
and focusing on their religious identity, one could argue that the SNP is still singling them out
rather than including them.
Nevertheless, while visiting the Spring Conference of the SNP, I noticed that diverse
communities support the party. The attendees were mainly older men whose political interests
were quite diverse and often different from their fellow Muslim supporters. Not all SNP voters
are pro-independence and nationalistic per se. The reasons for Scots to vote for the SNP vary and
should be taken into careful consideration by the SNP. Currently, SNP’s focus appears to lean
towards Muslims, which could ultimately lead to dissatisfaction among other SNP voters. For
example, senior Scots value and link cultural and heroic Scottish figures such as Robert Burns to
a more traditional definition of national identity and nationalism (Anderson 1992 and Gellner
1987). During my focus groups, however, it became evident that there was a lack of ‘cultural
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concepts’, among most young Scottish Muslim nationalist, when describing their national
identity. Some even argued: “Muslims do not participate in the Scottish culture. I do not think
that we even have the same Scottish identity as white Scots. We are hybrids. We are exposed to
two cultures.” Based on my results, it is not possible to claim that Scottish Muslims define their
national identity by the same distinct features as the majority of Scots. Moreover, it is well
possible that the majority of Scots does not value cultural concepts and figures that much either.
Nevertheless, even if Scots and Scottish Muslim define their national identity by different
features, some scholars argue that there is a ‘cultural compromise’ (Wimmer, 2002, p.8) among
Scots and Scottish Muslims regardless. They argue that the territorial border between England
and Scotland creates a ‘cultural compromise’ among all who live in Scotland that enhances the
value of the Scottish national identity.
Limitations of Scottish Nationalism: Scottish Muslims
As discussed earlier in this chapter, the SNP has strong ties with the Scottish Islamic Foundation
(SIF). Not only are these ties visible in the public sphere due to public figures such as Osama
Saeed and Humza Yousaf, but the organization is also funded by the SNP. SIF is a relatively
young organization that has only been around for a year, and its direct ties with the SNP are
often used to explain its success. Nevertheless, SIF is trying to fight this image especially
because it has been accused of being too much involved with the SNP. Osama Saeed: “People
are accusing us of mixing SIF with politics, but we are not. The foundation has to be clear of
nationalism.” When I first contacted SIF and explained my research and interest in Muslims and
Scottish nationalism they replied that they were unable to participate. During my fieldwork,
however, members of SIF became key informants whose public roles constantly linked them to
the SNP and SIF.
Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge the impact that the SNP has on Islamic
organizations in general. Politicians often define all Muslim communities as one community,
even though in practice there are many diverse Muslim communities in Scotland. The SNP’s
support for SIF politically and economically makes it questionable whether SIF would have
existed if the SNP had not been in power. Moreover, there are many other Islamic organizations
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that have been around much longer and are currently struggling to get government funding.
While interviewing members of other Islamic organizations, it became evident that they
questioned the role of SIF and wondered why they weren’t receiving any funding. However, this
is a very sensitive subject that most participants preferred not to talk about. They assured me that
they all respect each other’s work and have the same objectives: provide facilities for Muslims in
the society and tackle Islamphobia. Nevertheless, the SNP should keep the diversity of Muslim
communities in mind. Even though Osama Saeed plays an important role in Scottish society, he
does not represent all Muslims in Scotland, and his definition of religious and national identities
should not be taken for granted by the SNP.
“The Muslim identity is being used especially by Osama in relationship with SIF”
(Participant quote).
“Osama has been in the news long term, about Islamic issues and terrorism. He is an
outspoken Muslim, who is very much in the spotlight as a Muslim. I am comfortable by
using the Muslim identity in politics, in the SNP. This is the reason why I get involved. It
feels like one big family, not like a political party” (Participant quote).
In addition to the SNP’s potential limited ‘inclusion’ of all Muslims in Scottish society, it
is important to note that the group of Scottish Muslims who are both actively part of the SNP and
consider themselves as Scottish Nationalists is small. After a couple of months in Glasgow, I
knew exactly who belonged to this group and would appear at public meetings and events. In
general, most Scottish Muslims are not politically active. Youth workers claim that the ‘average
young Muslim’ in Glasgow is not politically aware or involved. They predicted that young
Muslims, living in Pollokshield for example, would respond differently to my research questions.
Interestingly, the group of Scottish Muslim Nationalists who are politically involved, all had
similar profiles, namely they were all young and highly educated.
These Scottish Muslim Nationalists, however, possess an important political role in the
SNP, and thus create the impression that Muslims in general are included in the Scottish society.
Nevertheless, the group of Scottish Muslim Nationalists is limited and should be carefully
analyzed and compared to other Muslim communities. The presence of Muslims in the SNP does
not inevitably mean that Scotland in general includes minorities. For example, the ideas,
experiences and needs of young versus senior Muslims vary greatly. Moreover, there are also
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Muslims that actively support the labour Party as well. Mostly, Senior Muslims continue to
support Labour while at the same time live their lives more privately in mosques. For example,
Mohammed Sarwar (57 years old) was Great Britain’s first Muslim Member of the Parliament
for Labour and represented Glasgow Central during the past ten years. In the very near future, he
will retire and currently two Muslims are ‘fighting’ for his seat. Osama Saeed is SNP’s running
candidate as mentioned earlier, and Sarwar’s son; Anas Sarwar is Labour’s running candidate for
Glasgow Central. It is not surprising that two Muslims are competing to represent this
constituency because Glasgow Central is predominantly populated by Muslims. Nevertheless,
this competition serves as a good example of the diversity of Muslim communities.
At last it is questionable to what extent Scots and Scottish Muslims interact in everyday
life. I have not examined this question in particular, but during interviews the suggestion was
made that the encounters between Scots and Scottish Muslims are limited. For example, some
participants claimed that there is a lack of leisure institutions for Muslims. “Apart from the
workplace, how can you socialize with white Scots except for the pubs? Where can you meet
them?” The pub is a very important public institution in Scotland where social activities and
interactions occur. Many Scots drink alcohol, whereas Muslims are not allowed to and
consequently are not allowed to enter pubs and clubs. Hopkins (2004) concludes: “However, the
drinking, pub and club culture that the young men see as an important aspect of the Scottish
society works in a variety of ways to exclude the young men.” (p.269). Although some Muslims
go to pubs and adapt to the ‘pub culture’, most of them do not. As a result, they seek for other
ways to socialize that could indicate that the overall interactions between Scots and Muslims are
minimal.
Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 16
Conclusion
The reasons why a group of Muslims in Glasgow, Scotland, support Scottish Nationalism are
diverse and interrelated. Initially mainly young Muslims started to support the SNP because of
its position against the Iraq war. Secondly, Alex Salmond’s (First Minister of Scotland) and
Nicola Sturgeon’s (Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish Parliament) personality
and cultural sensitivity have persuaded many current Scottish Muslims to join the party.
Moreover, there is a symbiotic relationship between Muslims, Salmond and Sturgeon. Muslims
feel supported by Salmond and Sturgeon, and Salmond and Sturgeon need the support of
Muslims to maintain their political position. Thirdly, a particular group of Muslims, namely
Scottish Muslim Nationalists, vote for the SNP because they support Scottish Independence. In
addition, this group considers the Scottish nation as an emerging nation where they can
participate in shaping the Scottish economy and immigration policy. In addition, Scottish
Muslims appear to be very satisfied with the amount of freedom they receive to practice their
religion in Scotland and want to maintain this position. Finally, there are two minor reasons as to
why a group of Scottish Muslims vote SNP. Firstly, some Muslims vote SNP because their
family and community values correspond with their Islamic values. Secondly, Scottish Muslims
who were born in Scotland are proud of their country and believe that by voting SNP they will
improve the country’s economy and power.
Even though Scottish Nationalism takes a more inclusive and civic form there are
limitations as to how civic and inclusive the SNP really is. Nationalism as discussed in a
previous chapter is always limited and uses inclusion and exclusion mechanisms to define itself
in each and every form. Scottish Nationalism is first of all defined and limited by its wish to
become independent of Great Britain. Moreover, The SNP draws a clear distinction between
their politics and their opponent the Labour party and thus divides Scotland internally. In
addition, the current important position and visibility of Muslims in SNP politics could lead to a
misrepresentation of the greater society and therefore could lead to the exclusion of other
minorities. The SNP is internally diverse and it has a wide variety of culturally diverse
supporters. The reasons why Muslims vote SNP do not necessarily correlate with the reasons of
Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 17
other supporters who vote SNP. The SNP should pay attention to all communities and the diverse
reasons why people vote for their party.
Moreover, among Scottish Muslim communities there are limitations as well as to how
included they are in SNP politics and the greater Scottish society. The group of Scottish Muslims
who support the SNP is small and exists mainly of a group of highly-educated young Scottish
Muslims. In general, Scottish Muslims do not generally actively participate in Scottish politics.
The Scottish Parliament, in the name of the SNP, is funding the Scottish Islamic Foundation
(SIF). This organization is partly run by Scottish Muslim Nationalists and this relationship could
create an exclusion mechanism within the greater society. The integration and inclusiveness of
Scottish Muslim Nationalist does not necessarily reflect the level of inclusion of all Muslim
communities in Scotland and should be taken into consideration by the SNP.
It is important to recognize Scottish Nationalism in the European debate. Within this debate,
Scottish Nationalism and more specifically Scottish Muslim Nationalists could potentially play
an important role as it brings a distinct voice to the table that could lead to new political ideas
and discussions. In theory, globalism has a complex relationship with the nation-state. In
practice, nations and nationalism are still valuable. In the European debate, there have been
nationalistic claims in opposition to Islam, often described as ‘ethnic’ forms of nationalism. In
Scotland, nationalism and Islam are not each other’s foe but each other’s ally. This case study
serves as an example of how national and religious identities need not be separated necessarily
within European nations. Nevertheless, this case study is mostly relevant for Scottish society in
general and is not an example or a model that can fit other nations per se.
Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 18
B I B L I O G R A P H Y
Books
Anderson, B. (1991) Imagined communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism. London: Verso.
Alsayyad, N., & Castells, M. (2002). Muslim Europe or Euro-Islam. Politics, Culture and
Citizenship in the Age of Globalization. UK: Lexington Books.
Asad, T. (2003) Secularism, Nation-State, Religion. In Formations of the Secular: Christianity,
Islam, Modernity, pp. 181-201. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Asad, T. (1997) Europe Against Islam: Islam in Europe. The Muslim World 87 (2): 183-195.
Bauman, Z. (2003) Globalization. The Human Consequences. New York: Colombia University
Press.
Baumann, G. (1999) The Multicultural Riddle. Rethinking National, Ethnic, and Religious
Identities. New York and London: Routledge.
Benhabib, S. (2002) The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Area.
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Bowen, J. (2007) Why the French Don't Like Headscarves: Islam, the State, and Public Space.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Brubaker, R. (2004) Ethnicity without groups. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England:
Harvard University Press.
Castles & Miller. (2003) The age of migration. International Population Movements in the
Modern World. Palgrave: Maclillan.
Devine, T. M. (1999) The Scottish Nation 1700-2000. Allen Lane: The penguin press.
Eriksen, T. H. (2002) Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives. London: Pluto
Press.
Fraser, N. (1992). Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually
Existing Democracy. In Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun, pp. 109-142.
Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 19
Gellner, E. (2006) Nations and Nationalism. New York: Cornell University Press
Raven, D. (2008) Globalia: Een reizigersgids. Amsterdam: Rosenberg
Harvie, C. (1977) Scotland and Nationalism. Scottish society and politics, 1707-1977. London:
George Allen & UNWIN. Ruskin House Museum Street.
Hearn, J. (2000) Claiming Scotland. National Identity and Liberal Culture. Edinburgh:
University of Edinburgh Press.
Hearn, J. (2006) Rethinking Nationalism. A critical introduction. Basingstoke: Palgrave
Macmillan.
Hedetoft, U. & Hjort, M. (2002) Introduction. In: In: Hedetoft, U. & Hjort, M (eds) The
Postnational Self. Belonging and Identity. Minnesota: University of Minnesota press, p.vii –
xxxii.
Hussain & Miller (2006) Multicultural Nationalism. Islamaphobia, Anglophobia and
Devolution. Oxford University press.
Hussain & Miller (2004) Anglophobia & Islamophobia in Scotland. University of Glasgow.
Inda, J. X & Rosaldo, R. (2008) The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader (second edition).
Malden: Blackwell
Irwin, A. (2005) Race and Ethnicity in the Media. In Blain, N., & Hutchison, D.,
The media in Scotland (pp. 198-212). Edinburgh: University Press.
Juergensmeyer, M. (2002) The paradox of Nationalism in a Global World. In: Hedetoft, U. &
Hjort, M (eds) The Postnational Self. Belonging and Identity. Minnesota: University of
Minnesota press, p. 3-18.
Kymlicka, W. (1995) Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
Lewis, P. (1994) Islamic Britain. Religion, Politics and Identity among British Muslims. London/
New York: I.B. Tauris Publishers.
Maan, B. (1992) The new Scots. The story of Asians in Scotland. John Donald Publishers.
Maan, B. (2008) The Thistle and the Crescent. Glasgow: Argyll Publishing.
McCone, D. (2001) Understanding Scotland: the sociology of a nation (2nd
ed). London and New
York: Routledge.
McGarvey, N. & Cainey, P. (2008) Scottish Politics, an introduction. Malgraven: Macmillan
Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 20
Miles, R. and A. Dunlop (1987) Racism in Britain: the Scottish Dimension, in P.Jackson (ed.)
Race and Racism: Essays in Social Geography, London: Allen &Unwin, 119-141.
Modood, T. (2005) Multicultural Politics. Racism, ethnicity, and Muslims in Britain.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Modood, T. (2006) Multiculturalism, Muslims and Citizinship. A European Approach. London
and New York: Routledge.
Nairn, T. (1977) The Break-up of Britain. Crisis and Neo-Nationalism. British Library.
Cataloguing in Publication Data.
Parekh, B. (2000) Rethinking Multiculturalism. Cultural Diversity and Political Theory. New
York: Palgrave.
Pittock, M. (2008) The road to independence? Scotland since the sixties. Reaktion Books.
Ramadan, T. (2005). Westerse moslims en de toekomst van de islam. Amsterdam: uitgeverij
Bulaaq.
Raven, D. (2008) Globalia. Een reizigersgids. Amsterdam: Rosenberg.
Shore, C. (2000) Building Europe: the cultural politics of European integration. London [etc.]:
Routledge
Solomos, J. (2003) Race and Racism in Britain. Great Britain: Creative Print& Design (Wales)
Ebbw Vale.
Taylor, C. (1994) The Politics of Recognition. In Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of
Recognition, ed. Gutman, A , pp. 25-73. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Wimmer, A. (2002) Nationalist Exclusion and Ethnic Conflict: Shadows of Modernity.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 21
Journals
Bailey, N., Bowes, A., & Sim, D. (1995) Pakistanis in Scotland: Census data and research issues.
Scottish Geographical Journal, 111(1), 36-45.
Bond, R. (2006) Belonging and Becoming: National Identity and Exclusion. Sociology. Vol. 40
(4): 609-626.
Bowes, A. Ferguson, I. and Sim, D. (2009) Asylum policy and asylum experiences: interactions
in a Scottish context. Ethnic and Racial studies, 32 (1), 23-43.
Cassidy, C., O’Conner, R. & Dorrer, N. (2006) Young people’s experience of transition to
adulthood. A study of minority, ethnic and white people. University of Stirling: Joseph Rowntree
Foundation.
Clegg, C. & Rosie, M. (2005) Faith communities and Local Government in Glasgow. Scottish
Executive Social Research. University of Edinburgh: Centre for Theology and Public issues.
Flint, J. (2007) Faith schools, multiculturalism and community cohesion: Muslim and Roman
Catholic state schools in England and Scotland. Policy& Politics 35 (2), 251-68.
General Register Office for Scotland, information about Scotland’s people (2008). Mid-2007
Population Estimates Scotland. Population estimates by sex, age and administrative area.
Published: 24 July.
Grillo, R. (2004) Islam and Transnationalism. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 30(5):
861-878.
Hopkins, P. (2007) ‘Blue squares’, ‘Proper’ Muslims and Transnational Networks: Narratives of
National and Religious Identities Amongst Young Muslim men Living in Scotland. Ethnicities,
7(1), 61-81.
Hopkins, P. (2004, August) Young Muslim Men in Scotland: Inclusions and Exclusions.
Children’s Geographies. 2 (2), 257-272.
Hopkins, P. (2007) Global events, national politics, local lives: young Muslim men in Scotland.
Environment and Planning, 39, 1119-1133.
Kyriakides, C., Virdee, S., & Modood, T. (2009) Racism, Muslims and the National Imagination.
Ethnic and Migration Studies, 35(2)
Saeed, A. Neil B. and Douglas F. (1999) New Ethnic and national Questions in Scotland: Post-
British Identities among Glasgow Pakistani Teenagers. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22 (5), 821-
844.
Scottish National Party (August, 2007). Choosing Scotland’s Future. A National Conversation.
Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 22
Skilling, P. (2007) New Scots: The fresh Talent Initiative and Post-Devolution Immigration
Policy. Scottish Affairs, 61.
Steven, M. (2008) Secessionist Politics and Religious Conservatism: The Scottish National Party
and Faith-Based Interests. Politics. October 2008, 28 (3), 188-196.
van der Veer, Peter 2006. Pim Fortuyn, Theo van Gogh, and the Politics of Tolerance in the
Netherlands. Public Culture 18, 111-124.
Wren, K. (2007) Supporting Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Glasgow: The role of multi-
agency Networks. Journal of Refugee Studies. 20(3), 391-413.
Electronic data sources
Embracing Multicultural Scotland (EMS). (2000). Retrieved March 3, from
http://www.che.ac.uk/publications/EMSReport/ReportContents.htm
www.scottishislamic.org
www.snp.org
www.facebook.com

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Karlijn Tummers Academic Writing Sample

  • 1. S C O T T I S H M U S L I M N A T I O N A L I S T S Master’s Thesis, Multiculturalism in comparative perspective Cultural Anthropology, Utrecht University Karlijn Tummers 3249166 karlijntummers@hotmail.com Supervisor: Prof. Patrick Eisenlohr August 30th , 2009
  • 2. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 2 C H A P T E R 4 C I V I C N A T I O N A L I S M A N D T H E S C O T T I S H N A T I O N A L P A R T Y ( S N P )
  • 3. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 3 Introduction “It is not rare that Muslims support Scottish nationalism! The Scottish National Party (SNP) embraces a different form of nationalism: civic nationalism. The SNP focuses on shared values instead of religious, ethnic or racial values, meaning that the SNP does not focus on superficial features. To be part of the SNP simply means loving the country and that does not mean that you have to agree with everything” (Participant quote). European ‘nationalism’ is often associated with ethnic exclusion and right wing populism. Some right wing parties across Europe embrace ethnic terms to define national identities, thereby directly excluding minorities such as Muslims. For example, in the Netherlands, Geert Wilders is the embodiment of an extreme right politician, who openly embraces a Dutch national identity tied to ethnic features. Scotland is another example of a country with an influential nationalistic political party that strives to become an independent nation. In contrast to most other European nationalist movements, Scottish nationalism is supported by Scottish Muslims. After the recent European elections of 2009, it became evident that Scottish nationalism was growing with the victory of the Scottish National Party (SNP) that stands for Scottish nationalism and independence. Osama Saeed (29 years old, SNP candidate) said after the European elections: “Europe steers rightward, but Scotland moves to the left”. The fact that the SNP, a Scottish nationalist movement won does not mean that Scotland moves rightward, as might be expected from the present trends among European national parties. Rather, there seems to be an unusually inclusive relationship between Scottish Nationalism and Muslims in Glasgow, Scotland. What is the position of Muslims in Glasgow and why does a group of Muslims support Scottish Nationalism? “Osama Saeed is our symbol of the Scotland of the future. He will make Scotland known on the international level” (Alex Salmond). I am arriving at the Campaign rally and fundraiser for Osama Saeed. Saeed is a Parliamentary Candidate of the Scottish National Party (SNP) for the constituency Glasgow Central. As I am trying to sit down, I am confronted with a sheet of paper on my chair. I pick it up and start reading: “We are in a two horse race and have a great chance to win, but unlike Osama’s Labour opponent, we do not have huge family offers to draw from! (...) Together we will win Glasgow Central and independence!” (SNP pamphlet, 2009). (Participant Observation; private reception with First Minister Alex Salmond at Glasgow University).
  • 4. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 4 Osama Saeed quickly became one of my key informants during my fieldwork in Glasgow. On my first day, I learned about Saeed’s existence and influence with relation to Muslims and Scottish Nationalism, and on my last day it became evident that his influence was only rising. Saeed’s influence as a public figure mostly stems from his role as a Parliamentary Candidate of the SNP. More significantly, he is the Chief Executive of the Scottish Islamic Foundation (SIF). This dual role, as a politically and religiously involved public figure, fits perfectly into the civic character that the SNP claims to portray. Nevertheless, as outlined in the previous chapter, it is important to carefully analyze the civic image that the SNP claims to embrace. The SNP establishes its civic image mostly by including Muslims; simultaneously this could cause limitations as well. In order to research Scottish nationalism and its policy of inclusion and exclusion as a matter of practice, I conducted participant observations, held in-dept interviews and focus groups in Glasgow to discuss Scottish Nationalism, the SNP and the reasons why Muslims support the SNP. In this final chapter, I will analyze the civic image that the SNP claims to embrace in order to better understand the position of Muslims who support the SNP. I will first answer the question: who are the Muslims who vote for the SNP and why do they vote for the SNP? In the second half of this chapter, I will analyze whether there are limitations of Scottish Nationalism by answering the question: what is the influence of the SNP on the practice of inclusion and exclusion mechanisms of Muslims in Glasgow. I then conclude with a summary.
  • 5. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 5 Scottish Muslim Nationalists “TRUTH: Unionists often use the word nationalism incorrectly in order to suggest ethnic strife, intolerance and isolation, thereby scaring people of the idea. Well the truth is, the SNP believes in civic nationalism, meaning that all who live in Scotland have valued part to play, regardless of ethnic background and place of birth. In fact, independence would end our present isolation and allow Scotland to regain its place in the international community as a tolerant, outward-looking country” (Federation of Student Nationalists (FSN) pamphlet, 2009). This is one of the “facts behind the myths” of the Federation of Student Nationalists (FSN), who were present at the SNP Spring conference in 2009. The FSN claims that the SNP embraces a civic form of nationalism that is free of ethnic features. Most of the Muslims I met and held discussions with, confirmed this civic character of the SNP. Nevertheless, I kept on wondering whether the civic character of the SNP attracts Muslims or if Muslims themselves create a civic image for the SNP. This is an important question that could help to further analyze and characterize the civic image of the SNP. In order to do so, I will first analyze the reasons why a group of Muslims voted for the SNP. Before analyzing these reasons in dept, it is important to note that the Muslim community in Scotland is a very young community: Approximately, 60% of the total Muslim population in Scotland is under the age of 30. As a result, the group of Muslims I have been intensively in contact with during my stay in Glasgow have been mainly young Muslims between the ages of 18 and 30, with a few exceptions. Over the last decade Scotland’s political direction has shifted, and as a result an increasing number of Muslims vote for the SNP. Prior to this shift, most of these Muslims supported and voted Labour. This shift has been mainly a result of Labour’s position on the Iraq war and their overall position in this international political debate. As a result, many Muslims felt betrayed by the Labour Party. Conversely, the SNP took a stand against the Iraq war and has maintained this position continuously. Researchers Hussein & Miller (2006, p.164-166) acknowledge that this shift became evident between the British Parliament election in 2001 and the Scottish Parliament election in 2003. They argue that the Iraq war was the ultimate cause for a massive elective shift from Labour to SNP. In 2001, the SNP received 13% ethnic Pakistani
  • 6. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 6 voters. In 2003, this figure had increased by 34% reaching a total of 47% of ethnic Pakistanis voting for SNP. As a result, Labour lost 46% of ethnic Pakistani’s voters. Moreover, all of the informants who participated in my research acknowledged the impact of the Iraq war on their voting behavior (see appendix). Specifically, the change in voting behavior became most evident among young Muslims. This was mostly caused by the fact that the older generation of Muslims, who had been supporting Labour for a very long time, either continued to support them or remained politically neutral after the Iraq war. Overall, the SNP appears to have become the most attractive political party for Muslims in Scotland since the Iraq war. This was confirmed by one of my older participants, Farkhanda Chaudry: “Nowadays, the SNP seems to be the most or more genuine party, and is taking risks. The SNP is making ground; they are saying aloud what they think.” My informants supported this standpoint and argued that Labour ‘lost’ its formerly reliable image to the SNP. In addition to this political shift among Muslims, it is important to note that the SNP is the second largest political party in Scotland. This in itself makes it more likely that people would vote SNP after losing confidence in the labour Party. “Voting for the SNP is voting for the lesser of two evils, nobody wants Labour anymore” (Participant quote). Moreover, a vote for the SNP is a strategic vote. The SNP possesses the largest number of seats in Westminster after Labour and thus could potentially become the biggest party, changing the political direction. This is especially relevant for many Muslims, as the SNP has also taken a stand against the use of nuclear weapons as well as offering help in Gaza. The SNP’s position within the international community and political arena appeals to Muslims, especially young Muslims. Nevertheless, even before the Iraq war, the SNP initiated a campaign to win Muslim voters. In 1995, Bashir Ahmed founded ‘Asian Scots for independence’ a department of the SNP devoted to attract more Asians. Unfortunately, Bashir Ahmed passed away on the day that I arrived in Glasgow. Nevertheless, his name and role in the Muslim community and the SNP has been important in this study. Among my informants he was perceived as one of the first Muslims to join the SNP and set an example for other Muslims to follow. According to SNP members, Bashir Ahmad joined the party in 1995, as Alex Salmond the First Minister of Scotland persuaded him to. As a result, Bashir Ahmad set the scene and became a reason for other Muslims to vote for The SNP as well.
  • 7. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 7 In addition to political shifts and world politics, personality and cultural sensitivity play an important role in explaining why Muslims vote for the SNP. Alex Salmond’s (First Minister of Scotland) and Nicola Sturgeon’s (Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish Parliament) personality and cultural awareness appear to be very appealing to Muslims. Osama Saeed: “Anno 2009, the Iraq war is becoming less the issue now; Muslims still support the SNP. Muslims are now supporting Salmond as a person. Salmond is taking ground. He talks with people and he listens.” Both Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon are successful in attracting and persuading Muslims to vote for the SNP. For example, Osama Saeed decided to become a member of the SNP in 2003 due to Salmond. Initially, he became interested in the SNP because of the Iraq war. Up until that point, Saeed never even thought about Scottish independence as a realistic goal as he was raised with the idea that Scotland was too poor and too small to become independent. Nevertheless in 2003, Saeed’s political standpoint changed completely when he attended a lecture of Alex Salmond that Bashir Ahmad had invited him to. Salmond’s speech persuaded Saeed to join the SNP. Today, Saeed is a strong supporter of Scottish independence and nationalism. In addition to the impact that Salmond and Sturgeon have had on some Muslim members of the SNP, they are very popular among Muslims in general. My informants often referred to Salmond and Sturgeon as very nice and decent politicians who are open and inclusive to Muslims. Some even defined them as national figures: “Muslims feel Scottish thanks to Salmond and Sturgeon!” Salmond’s and Sturgeon’s relationship with Muslims could be described as a symbiotic relationship meaning that they all ‘need’ each other. One the one hand, Muslims feel welcomed and comfortable because Salmond and Sturgeon embrace their religious and cultural backgrounds. For example, both Salmond and Sturgeon greet Muslims with ‘as-salam-o- alaikum’. On the other hand, Nicola Sturgeon’s political power depends heavily on the voting behavior of Muslims. Sturgeon is the Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) for the constituency of Glasgow Govan. Glasgow Govan has a high population of Muslims and as a result Sturgeon’s seat as a MSP depends on their voting results. More significantly, Muslims possess an important role in the SNP with Sturgeon in the second highest position of the party and the Scottish Parliament. This dual relationship creates a need on both ends, and thus explains partly why Muslims vote SNP and play an important role in SNP’s politics.
  • 8. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 8 Although not all Muslims who vote SNP hold value for Scottish Independence, a growing group of Muslims support Scottish independence and thus vote SNP. “It is clear that we are better off independent; Scotland is a very clear sovereign nation” (Participant quote). Remarkably, most of the Muslims I interviewed were all pro-independence. Nonetheless, not all voters who vote for the SNP automatically support Scottish independence. One could argue, however, that there is an overlap in cultural and political beliefs among Scots who support Scottish Independence and Pakistani immigrants. In 1972, the first non-white member joined the SNP. Mr. Yousaf, a Pakistani immigrant and Muslim, who continued to support the SNP and fought for Scottish independence. Unfortunately, I was unable to speak with him in person, but his family claims that he supported the SNP because of its politicians strive for Scottish independence. Mr. Yousaf identified with this strive, as independence plays a huge role in his home country of Pakistan as well. As a result, it is argued that some first generation Pakistani immigrants support the SNP because of this particular reason. However, from the data that I gathered I was not able to confirm this. Instead, I received various answers as to why Muslims support Scottish Independence. Surprisingly, it appears that it is mostly young Scottish Muslims that believe and fight for Scottish independence. Specifically, this group of young Muslims is mostly driven by an economic rather than by a cultural argument. Humza Yousaf (23 years old, Parliamentary Press Officer for the SNP): “Once Scotland is independent we can run our economies by ourselves.” There is a common belief among young Scottish Muslims that Scotland will flourish economically as soon as it is an independent nation. Hidden beneath the surface, I sensed that in addition to the economic argument some Muslims view Scotland as ‘a makeable nation’. This could be explained partly by the fact that some British laws are perceived to be quite ‘anti-Muslim’. These laws make it more difficult for Muslims to practice their religion in Great Britain. Therefore some Muslims indicate that Scottish independence would eliminate English policies and allow Muslims to live more freely. Some participants cited that: “Once Scotland becomes independent it will give us the opportunity to make a new start and influence the political structure, laws and so on.” This idea of an independent nation in combination with the idea that Scotland has a more tolerant and inclusive attitude towards immigration, multiculturalism and Islam, provides Muslims with a possible opportunity to add a ‘distinct’ voice to the international level.
  • 9. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 9 Osama Saeed: “We believe that Scotland has an important distinctive voice to bring to the table, coming to Muslims and Non-Muslims. Scotland has a different relationship between Muslims and Non-Muslims, comparing to the rest of the world. “Why is Scotland different?” “We take for granted that we are Scottish. I always knew who I was: Scottish. We want to build the capacity in Scotland, harmonize it with the Islamic principles and bring it to an international level.” In addition to a distinctive Scottish character, Muslims claim to possess a lot of space and freedom to practice their religion. All of my participants were very positive and satisfied with the level of freedom and accommodation they receive to practice their religion in Scotland. They argue that the SNP tolerates their religion and by voting SNP, Muslims can maintain this position. Interestingly, my informants often argued that they were convinced that Scotland is the best place to be a Muslim. Osama Saeed: “Muslims have their own space; we do not need to debate about it.” Farkhanda Chaudry: “Scotland is the best place to be valued and have space to practice your faith! When I go to work, I will have provision to pray, they make me feel comfortable to pray. In the schools they are selling halal food, at the seminary there is space for Muslims buriers as well.” My research does not allow me to make any comparisons or draw any conclusions as to whether these claims are true in comparison with other European countries. Nevertheless, the fact that Muslims in Glasgow experience these feelings and claim that they have ‘more’ space to practice their religion, explains in part why Scottish independence and the SNP appeals to them. Moreover, SNP’s emphasis on family and community values resonates with Islamic values. During interviews and focus groups, Scottish Muslims often referred to these values and argued that this is one of the reasons why they vote SNP. In general, I also wondered whether the relationship between Muslims and Scottish Nationalism is related to the role that religion plays in overall Scottish society. Unfortunately, I did not have enough time to research the role of religion in Scotland in general, but the literature available as well as having experienced life in Scotland gave me the impression that Scotland is less ‘secularized’ than the Netherlands, for
  • 10. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 10 example. Some scholars even argue that the separation of state and church is less ‘stiff’ in Scotland than in other European countries (Asad, 2003) (Bowen, 2007). At last, nationalism in itself is a reason why some Muslims vote SNP. Young Scottish Muslims who were born in Scotland are proud of their country and as a result want to improve their country. Interestingly, I noticed that the longer I was around these young Scottish Muslim Nationalists, the less I thought this relationship was unusual. For Scottish Muslim Nationalists, it is ‘logical’ that they are nationalists, ‘fighting’ for their country. According to most European media, it is hard to believe that Muslims are part of European nation states, and could even be European Nationalists. The young Scottish Muslims who participated in this study explained that this image makes their nationalistic feelings even stronger. Because people will not assume that they are Scottish by their religion and skin color, they are trying to prove the media and prejudices wrong: They feel Muslim on the one hand and Scottish on the other hand. They argue that these two identities go hand in hand and as a result the term ‘Scottish Muslim Nationalist’ is not a contradiction but rather a logical description. Limitations of Scottish Nationalism Even though the SNP claims to embrace a civic form of nationalism, this form has inevitable limitations as well. Obviously, the SNP draws a clear border between Scotland and England. Moreover, even though Muslims seem to support Scottish Nationalism, there are limitations that are visible within the society. The SNP portrays itself as a party that embraces civic nationalism and strives to make Scotland independent. This in itself could create an inherent contradiction; if the SNP is a party supporting an open and inclusive political direction, why do they want to become independent? The SNP members that I have encountered argued that their wish to become independent is still open and based upon an economic argument. They want to be able to shape their own economy and political power in order to maintain its own policies, which are very ‘distinct’ from English policies. Nevertheless, as argued in the previous chapter, the SNP has Anglophobic features and as a result uses stiff language that causes an obvious distinction between us ‘Scots’ and them ‘English’ that leans towards a more ethnic form of nationalism (Hussein ed., 2006).
  • 11. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 11 Within Scottish politics there is another obvious territorial border, namely between the SNP and the Labour Party. The SNP and its members portray Labour as their enemy. Interestingly, I found out that members of the Labour Party were literally excluded from the SNP Spring Conference in 2009. Where does this leave Independent Scotland when Scotland itself is divided? It is important to keep in mind that the highest percentage of votes that the SNP has received thus far is only 35%. Scotland is politically divided on this issue, meaning that most Scots do not necessarily support the SNP or Scotland’s independence. Nevertheless, in light of the fact that the SNP is currently in power, it creates an impression that most Scots support Scottish independence. As a result, the ‘we’ of the SNP is limited, but it seems hard to define ‘how’ limited. I asked Sandra White, Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP): “Who will be a real Scot if Scotland becomes independent?” She answered: “You can still have dual identities, all the people living here on the day of independence will be Scottish! Dual nationalities will be accepted. But still the Scottish identity will be important.” How does the ‘we’ that the SNP refers to impact minorities in Scottish society? As discussed previously in this chapter, the SNP includes Muslims and embraces their religion and culturally diverse background in their politics. Simultaneously, this could exclude other minorities in the society as well, such as atheists. “By including Muslims in their politics, the SNP proves that they embrace inclusiveness; it shows that you are engaged” (Participant quote). It is questionable, however, whether the SNP includes Muslims because they are in general embracing civic nationalism or because this group is internationally ‘popular’ and a way to put Scotland on the map as a distinct, and ‘better’ nation. Since my research is clearly limited in space and time, I cannot answer this question based on my results. Nevertheless, the SNP openly discusses that they wish to become more known and powerful in the international community. The SNP wishes to break away from Great Britain and be acknowledged as an independent nation within the European Union. As described earlier, the members of the SNP emphasized many times that Osama Saeed will put Scotland on the international level. In fact, Muslims have a large international network and strong connections all over the globe due to immigration. The SNP promises to maintain this network to make Scotland ‘bigger’. For example, In October 2009, there will be a Scottish Islamic event advertised on the website of the Scottish Islamic Foundation (SIF) as follows: “Etisal ’09, Scottish-Islamic Investment Expo. This Expo aims to
  • 12. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 12 encourage trade and investment between Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) countries and Scotland”. Even though, most Muslims appreciate these SNP ideas, there have been some critical responses as well. Some of my participants accused the SNP of ‘using’ the Muslim identity. “Speaking in terms of Scottish Muslim is dangerous. I have never heard of American Christians. We are taking it too far. Religion should stay personal. It is dangerous to make it public. The SNP and Osama are promoting Muslims. They use the term to promote Muslims and say it only for the good of Muslims. We should not promote political faith, what about other faiths? We should vote SNP because of relating to their policy not because they are nice to Muslims. Osama could be dangerous it is all about religion. SNP could do long term damage by using the Muslim identity. The SNP should be broad, it is a political vehicle” (Participant quote). Whether the SNP is consciously using the term ‘Muslim’ or not, there is a clear visibility of Muslims within the party. At public meetings of the SNP, I noticed that there was a lot of attention paid to the Asian community and voters. Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon openly refer to this minority using the term Muslim often. Even though, Osama Saeed does not want to be portrayed as a Muslim candidate, he is a publicly known Muslim. This fact makes it almost impossible not to see him as a Muslim candidate of the SNP. As a result, the continuous focus on his religious identity as well as his Scottish identity creates a barrier within the political party. Muslims who are supporting the SNP are still a ‘distinct’ group. By openly including Muslims and focusing on their religious identity, one could argue that the SNP is still singling them out rather than including them. Nevertheless, while visiting the Spring Conference of the SNP, I noticed that diverse communities support the party. The attendees were mainly older men whose political interests were quite diverse and often different from their fellow Muslim supporters. Not all SNP voters are pro-independence and nationalistic per se. The reasons for Scots to vote for the SNP vary and should be taken into careful consideration by the SNP. Currently, SNP’s focus appears to lean towards Muslims, which could ultimately lead to dissatisfaction among other SNP voters. For example, senior Scots value and link cultural and heroic Scottish figures such as Robert Burns to a more traditional definition of national identity and nationalism (Anderson 1992 and Gellner 1987). During my focus groups, however, it became evident that there was a lack of ‘cultural
  • 13. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 13 concepts’, among most young Scottish Muslim nationalist, when describing their national identity. Some even argued: “Muslims do not participate in the Scottish culture. I do not think that we even have the same Scottish identity as white Scots. We are hybrids. We are exposed to two cultures.” Based on my results, it is not possible to claim that Scottish Muslims define their national identity by the same distinct features as the majority of Scots. Moreover, it is well possible that the majority of Scots does not value cultural concepts and figures that much either. Nevertheless, even if Scots and Scottish Muslim define their national identity by different features, some scholars argue that there is a ‘cultural compromise’ (Wimmer, 2002, p.8) among Scots and Scottish Muslims regardless. They argue that the territorial border between England and Scotland creates a ‘cultural compromise’ among all who live in Scotland that enhances the value of the Scottish national identity. Limitations of Scottish Nationalism: Scottish Muslims As discussed earlier in this chapter, the SNP has strong ties with the Scottish Islamic Foundation (SIF). Not only are these ties visible in the public sphere due to public figures such as Osama Saeed and Humza Yousaf, but the organization is also funded by the SNP. SIF is a relatively young organization that has only been around for a year, and its direct ties with the SNP are often used to explain its success. Nevertheless, SIF is trying to fight this image especially because it has been accused of being too much involved with the SNP. Osama Saeed: “People are accusing us of mixing SIF with politics, but we are not. The foundation has to be clear of nationalism.” When I first contacted SIF and explained my research and interest in Muslims and Scottish nationalism they replied that they were unable to participate. During my fieldwork, however, members of SIF became key informants whose public roles constantly linked them to the SNP and SIF. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge the impact that the SNP has on Islamic organizations in general. Politicians often define all Muslim communities as one community, even though in practice there are many diverse Muslim communities in Scotland. The SNP’s support for SIF politically and economically makes it questionable whether SIF would have existed if the SNP had not been in power. Moreover, there are many other Islamic organizations
  • 14. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 14 that have been around much longer and are currently struggling to get government funding. While interviewing members of other Islamic organizations, it became evident that they questioned the role of SIF and wondered why they weren’t receiving any funding. However, this is a very sensitive subject that most participants preferred not to talk about. They assured me that they all respect each other’s work and have the same objectives: provide facilities for Muslims in the society and tackle Islamphobia. Nevertheless, the SNP should keep the diversity of Muslim communities in mind. Even though Osama Saeed plays an important role in Scottish society, he does not represent all Muslims in Scotland, and his definition of religious and national identities should not be taken for granted by the SNP. “The Muslim identity is being used especially by Osama in relationship with SIF” (Participant quote). “Osama has been in the news long term, about Islamic issues and terrorism. He is an outspoken Muslim, who is very much in the spotlight as a Muslim. I am comfortable by using the Muslim identity in politics, in the SNP. This is the reason why I get involved. It feels like one big family, not like a political party” (Participant quote). In addition to the SNP’s potential limited ‘inclusion’ of all Muslims in Scottish society, it is important to note that the group of Scottish Muslims who are both actively part of the SNP and consider themselves as Scottish Nationalists is small. After a couple of months in Glasgow, I knew exactly who belonged to this group and would appear at public meetings and events. In general, most Scottish Muslims are not politically active. Youth workers claim that the ‘average young Muslim’ in Glasgow is not politically aware or involved. They predicted that young Muslims, living in Pollokshield for example, would respond differently to my research questions. Interestingly, the group of Scottish Muslim Nationalists who are politically involved, all had similar profiles, namely they were all young and highly educated. These Scottish Muslim Nationalists, however, possess an important political role in the SNP, and thus create the impression that Muslims in general are included in the Scottish society. Nevertheless, the group of Scottish Muslim Nationalists is limited and should be carefully analyzed and compared to other Muslim communities. The presence of Muslims in the SNP does not inevitably mean that Scotland in general includes minorities. For example, the ideas, experiences and needs of young versus senior Muslims vary greatly. Moreover, there are also
  • 15. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 15 Muslims that actively support the labour Party as well. Mostly, Senior Muslims continue to support Labour while at the same time live their lives more privately in mosques. For example, Mohammed Sarwar (57 years old) was Great Britain’s first Muslim Member of the Parliament for Labour and represented Glasgow Central during the past ten years. In the very near future, he will retire and currently two Muslims are ‘fighting’ for his seat. Osama Saeed is SNP’s running candidate as mentioned earlier, and Sarwar’s son; Anas Sarwar is Labour’s running candidate for Glasgow Central. It is not surprising that two Muslims are competing to represent this constituency because Glasgow Central is predominantly populated by Muslims. Nevertheless, this competition serves as a good example of the diversity of Muslim communities. At last it is questionable to what extent Scots and Scottish Muslims interact in everyday life. I have not examined this question in particular, but during interviews the suggestion was made that the encounters between Scots and Scottish Muslims are limited. For example, some participants claimed that there is a lack of leisure institutions for Muslims. “Apart from the workplace, how can you socialize with white Scots except for the pubs? Where can you meet them?” The pub is a very important public institution in Scotland where social activities and interactions occur. Many Scots drink alcohol, whereas Muslims are not allowed to and consequently are not allowed to enter pubs and clubs. Hopkins (2004) concludes: “However, the drinking, pub and club culture that the young men see as an important aspect of the Scottish society works in a variety of ways to exclude the young men.” (p.269). Although some Muslims go to pubs and adapt to the ‘pub culture’, most of them do not. As a result, they seek for other ways to socialize that could indicate that the overall interactions between Scots and Muslims are minimal.
  • 16. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 16 Conclusion The reasons why a group of Muslims in Glasgow, Scotland, support Scottish Nationalism are diverse and interrelated. Initially mainly young Muslims started to support the SNP because of its position against the Iraq war. Secondly, Alex Salmond’s (First Minister of Scotland) and Nicola Sturgeon’s (Deputy First Minister and Member of the Scottish Parliament) personality and cultural sensitivity have persuaded many current Scottish Muslims to join the party. Moreover, there is a symbiotic relationship between Muslims, Salmond and Sturgeon. Muslims feel supported by Salmond and Sturgeon, and Salmond and Sturgeon need the support of Muslims to maintain their political position. Thirdly, a particular group of Muslims, namely Scottish Muslim Nationalists, vote for the SNP because they support Scottish Independence. In addition, this group considers the Scottish nation as an emerging nation where they can participate in shaping the Scottish economy and immigration policy. In addition, Scottish Muslims appear to be very satisfied with the amount of freedom they receive to practice their religion in Scotland and want to maintain this position. Finally, there are two minor reasons as to why a group of Scottish Muslims vote SNP. Firstly, some Muslims vote SNP because their family and community values correspond with their Islamic values. Secondly, Scottish Muslims who were born in Scotland are proud of their country and believe that by voting SNP they will improve the country’s economy and power. Even though Scottish Nationalism takes a more inclusive and civic form there are limitations as to how civic and inclusive the SNP really is. Nationalism as discussed in a previous chapter is always limited and uses inclusion and exclusion mechanisms to define itself in each and every form. Scottish Nationalism is first of all defined and limited by its wish to become independent of Great Britain. Moreover, The SNP draws a clear distinction between their politics and their opponent the Labour party and thus divides Scotland internally. In addition, the current important position and visibility of Muslims in SNP politics could lead to a misrepresentation of the greater society and therefore could lead to the exclusion of other minorities. The SNP is internally diverse and it has a wide variety of culturally diverse supporters. The reasons why Muslims vote SNP do not necessarily correlate with the reasons of
  • 17. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 17 other supporters who vote SNP. The SNP should pay attention to all communities and the diverse reasons why people vote for their party. Moreover, among Scottish Muslim communities there are limitations as well as to how included they are in SNP politics and the greater Scottish society. The group of Scottish Muslims who support the SNP is small and exists mainly of a group of highly-educated young Scottish Muslims. In general, Scottish Muslims do not generally actively participate in Scottish politics. The Scottish Parliament, in the name of the SNP, is funding the Scottish Islamic Foundation (SIF). This organization is partly run by Scottish Muslim Nationalists and this relationship could create an exclusion mechanism within the greater society. The integration and inclusiveness of Scottish Muslim Nationalist does not necessarily reflect the level of inclusion of all Muslim communities in Scotland and should be taken into consideration by the SNP. It is important to recognize Scottish Nationalism in the European debate. Within this debate, Scottish Nationalism and more specifically Scottish Muslim Nationalists could potentially play an important role as it brings a distinct voice to the table that could lead to new political ideas and discussions. In theory, globalism has a complex relationship with the nation-state. In practice, nations and nationalism are still valuable. In the European debate, there have been nationalistic claims in opposition to Islam, often described as ‘ethnic’ forms of nationalism. In Scotland, nationalism and Islam are not each other’s foe but each other’s ally. This case study serves as an example of how national and religious identities need not be separated necessarily within European nations. Nevertheless, this case study is mostly relevant for Scottish society in general and is not an example or a model that can fit other nations per se.
  • 18. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 18 B I B L I O G R A P H Y Books Anderson, B. (1991) Imagined communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Alsayyad, N., & Castells, M. (2002). Muslim Europe or Euro-Islam. Politics, Culture and Citizenship in the Age of Globalization. UK: Lexington Books. Asad, T. (2003) Secularism, Nation-State, Religion. In Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity, pp. 181-201. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Asad, T. (1997) Europe Against Islam: Islam in Europe. The Muslim World 87 (2): 183-195. Bauman, Z. (2003) Globalization. The Human Consequences. New York: Colombia University Press. Baumann, G. (1999) The Multicultural Riddle. Rethinking National, Ethnic, and Religious Identities. New York and London: Routledge. Benhabib, S. (2002) The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Area. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Bowen, J. (2007) Why the French Don't Like Headscarves: Islam, the State, and Public Space. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Brubaker, R. (2004) Ethnicity without groups. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press. Castles & Miller. (2003) The age of migration. International Population Movements in the Modern World. Palgrave: Maclillan. Devine, T. M. (1999) The Scottish Nation 1700-2000. Allen Lane: The penguin press. Eriksen, T. H. (2002) Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives. London: Pluto Press. Fraser, N. (1992). Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy. In Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun, pp. 109-142. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
  • 19. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 19 Gellner, E. (2006) Nations and Nationalism. New York: Cornell University Press Raven, D. (2008) Globalia: Een reizigersgids. Amsterdam: Rosenberg Harvie, C. (1977) Scotland and Nationalism. Scottish society and politics, 1707-1977. London: George Allen & UNWIN. Ruskin House Museum Street. Hearn, J. (2000) Claiming Scotland. National Identity and Liberal Culture. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press. Hearn, J. (2006) Rethinking Nationalism. A critical introduction. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hedetoft, U. & Hjort, M. (2002) Introduction. In: In: Hedetoft, U. & Hjort, M (eds) The Postnational Self. Belonging and Identity. Minnesota: University of Minnesota press, p.vii – xxxii. Hussain & Miller (2006) Multicultural Nationalism. Islamaphobia, Anglophobia and Devolution. Oxford University press. Hussain & Miller (2004) Anglophobia & Islamophobia in Scotland. University of Glasgow. Inda, J. X & Rosaldo, R. (2008) The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader (second edition). Malden: Blackwell Irwin, A. (2005) Race and Ethnicity in the Media. In Blain, N., & Hutchison, D., The media in Scotland (pp. 198-212). Edinburgh: University Press. Juergensmeyer, M. (2002) The paradox of Nationalism in a Global World. In: Hedetoft, U. & Hjort, M (eds) The Postnational Self. Belonging and Identity. Minnesota: University of Minnesota press, p. 3-18. Kymlicka, W. (1995) Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Lewis, P. (1994) Islamic Britain. Religion, Politics and Identity among British Muslims. London/ New York: I.B. Tauris Publishers. Maan, B. (1992) The new Scots. The story of Asians in Scotland. John Donald Publishers. Maan, B. (2008) The Thistle and the Crescent. Glasgow: Argyll Publishing. McCone, D. (2001) Understanding Scotland: the sociology of a nation (2nd ed). London and New York: Routledge. McGarvey, N. & Cainey, P. (2008) Scottish Politics, an introduction. Malgraven: Macmillan
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  • 21. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 21 Journals Bailey, N., Bowes, A., & Sim, D. (1995) Pakistanis in Scotland: Census data and research issues. Scottish Geographical Journal, 111(1), 36-45. Bond, R. (2006) Belonging and Becoming: National Identity and Exclusion. Sociology. Vol. 40 (4): 609-626. Bowes, A. Ferguson, I. and Sim, D. (2009) Asylum policy and asylum experiences: interactions in a Scottish context. Ethnic and Racial studies, 32 (1), 23-43. Cassidy, C., O’Conner, R. & Dorrer, N. (2006) Young people’s experience of transition to adulthood. A study of minority, ethnic and white people. University of Stirling: Joseph Rowntree Foundation. Clegg, C. & Rosie, M. (2005) Faith communities and Local Government in Glasgow. Scottish Executive Social Research. University of Edinburgh: Centre for Theology and Public issues. Flint, J. (2007) Faith schools, multiculturalism and community cohesion: Muslim and Roman Catholic state schools in England and Scotland. Policy& Politics 35 (2), 251-68. General Register Office for Scotland, information about Scotland’s people (2008). Mid-2007 Population Estimates Scotland. Population estimates by sex, age and administrative area. Published: 24 July. Grillo, R. (2004) Islam and Transnationalism. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 30(5): 861-878. Hopkins, P. (2007) ‘Blue squares’, ‘Proper’ Muslims and Transnational Networks: Narratives of National and Religious Identities Amongst Young Muslim men Living in Scotland. Ethnicities, 7(1), 61-81. Hopkins, P. (2004, August) Young Muslim Men in Scotland: Inclusions and Exclusions. Children’s Geographies. 2 (2), 257-272. Hopkins, P. (2007) Global events, national politics, local lives: young Muslim men in Scotland. Environment and Planning, 39, 1119-1133. Kyriakides, C., Virdee, S., & Modood, T. (2009) Racism, Muslims and the National Imagination. Ethnic and Migration Studies, 35(2) Saeed, A. Neil B. and Douglas F. (1999) New Ethnic and national Questions in Scotland: Post- British Identities among Glasgow Pakistani Teenagers. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22 (5), 821- 844. Scottish National Party (August, 2007). Choosing Scotland’s Future. A National Conversation.
  • 22. Academic Writing Sample: Karlijn Tummers 22 Skilling, P. (2007) New Scots: The fresh Talent Initiative and Post-Devolution Immigration Policy. Scottish Affairs, 61. Steven, M. (2008) Secessionist Politics and Religious Conservatism: The Scottish National Party and Faith-Based Interests. Politics. October 2008, 28 (3), 188-196. van der Veer, Peter 2006. Pim Fortuyn, Theo van Gogh, and the Politics of Tolerance in the Netherlands. Public Culture 18, 111-124. Wren, K. (2007) Supporting Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Glasgow: The role of multi- agency Networks. Journal of Refugee Studies. 20(3), 391-413. Electronic data sources Embracing Multicultural Scotland (EMS). (2000). Retrieved March 3, from http://www.che.ac.uk/publications/EMSReport/ReportContents.htm www.scottishislamic.org www.snp.org www.facebook.com