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Class 3: 
The Boundary between Syntax 
and Semantics 
1 
FREDERICK J . NEWMEYER 
UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON, UNIVERSITY 
OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 
AND SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY
THE NATURE OF MEANING 
2 
 This class will deal with meaning/semantics and its 
treatment within generative grammar. 
 Many debates both within generative grammar and 
between generativists and those in other frameworks 
have centred around questions of semantics. 
 To make things more complicated, there has always 
been debate about what meaning ‘means’.
THE NATURE OF MEANING 
3 
Three approaches to meaning, each 
of which is at root incompatible 
with the other two. 
Nevertheless, each has found its 
place in current theoretical work:
THE NATURE OF MEANING 
4 
 FIRST: Meanings are ‘ideas’ or in current 
terminology, ‘cognitive representations’. 
 This has its roots in continental philosophy and was 
developed by European structuralism. 
 For Saussure the basic unit of linguistics was the 
‘sign’: the relationship between a ‘mental image’ and 
an ‘acoustic image’.
THE NATURE OF MEANING 
5 
 Ray Jackendoff’s Conceptual Semantics is a variant 
of this idea. 
 In Cognitive Linguistics, this is the approach to 
meaning taken. 
 Today in generative grammar, we see it in such 
notions as ‘thematic roles’, ‘interpretable features’, 
and so on.
THE NATURE OF MEANING 
6 
 SECOND: Meanings are ‘uses’. 
 This has its roots in behaviourism, ordinary language 
philosophy, and British structuralism. 
 “If you want to know what a word/sentence, etc. means, 
then see how it is used.” 
 The use-theory of meaning manifests itself today in 
pragmatic theory (based on work by such philosophers as 
Grice, Austin, and Searle).
THE NATURE OF MEANING 
7 
 THIRD: Meanings are conditions for establishing the 
truth of propositions. 
 This has its roots in the logical tradition, in 
particular in logical positivist philosophy. 
 Today we see it in mainstream semantic theory. 
 Interestingly, Chomsky has always rejected this 
approach.
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
8 
 Most of the debates in the past 50 years have focused on 
the boundary between form and meaning. 
 That is, questions like ‘Is it productive to study form 
independently of meaning?’ 
 ‘To what extent does syntax have its own patterning that 
does not reflect meaning?’ 
 One can go a long way to answering these questions 
without knowing a lot about the nature of meaning.
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
9 
 Chomsky in Syntactic Structures took a very clear 
position on the form-meaning relationship: 
“I think that we are forced to conclude that 
grammar is autonomous and independent of 
meaning.” (Chomsky 1957: 17) 
 In other words, you can and should study form 
without studying meaning at the same time.
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
10 
 Chomsky gave empirical arguments for the independence 
of form and meaning: 
 Something can be formally grammatical, but have no 
meaning: Colourless green ideas sleep furiously. 
 Two sentences can be related by a transformational rule, 
yet differ in meaning: 
Everyone in the room speaks two languages. 
Two languages are spoken by everyone in the room.
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
11 
 Chomsky also argued that we can use form to get at meaning: 
‘In general, as syntactic description becomes deeper, what 
appear to be semantic questions fall increasingly within 
its scope...’ (Chomsky 1964: 936). 
 For example, Chomsky motivated the passive transformation 
purely on its formal properties (the occurrence of the 
morpheme be+en, its limitation to transitive verbs, and so 
on). 
 The rough paraphrase relation between actives and passives 
was not one of Chomsky’s motivations.
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
12 
 There was no semantic component in Syntactic 
Structures. 
 Incorporating semantics into the model was the 
work of the next decade. 
 It was carried out by Jerrold Katz, Jerry Fodor, and 
Paul Postal.
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
13 
 Katz and Postal (1964): An Integrated Theory of 
Linguistic Descriptions. 
 The Katz-Postal Hypothesis: Transformations do not 
change meaning. 
 Another way to put that is to say that everything that 
you need for semantic interpretation is at the level 
of Deep Structure.
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
14 
 But what about?: 
Everyone in the room speaks two languages. 
Two languages are spoken by everyone in the room. 
 Isn’t this an example of Passive changing meaning? 
 Katz and Postal argued that both sentences are 
ambiguous!
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
15 
 In the earliest work, John saw Mary, John did not see 
Mary, and Did John see Mary? were all derived from the 
same underlying structure. 
 So transformations were certainly changing meaning! 
 Katz and Postal agued that negatives and questions had 
abstract NEG and Q morphemes in Deep Structure. 
 So meaning was not changed under transformation.
THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND 
MEANING 
16 
 All of these changes laid the basis for Chomsky’s 
1965 book Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. 
 This book proposed what came to be called the 
‘Standard Theory’.
THE 1965 ASPECTS OF THE THEORY OF 
SYNTAX MODEL, THE ‘STANDARD THEORY’ 
17
TOWARDS GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
 But in the late 1960s, generative syntacticians split 
off in two directions: 
GENERATIVE 
SEMANTICS 
INTERPRETIVE 
SEMANTICS 
18
TOWARDS GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
19 
 For almost 10 years, the battles between the two 
were so vitriolic, the period has been called the time 
of the ‘linguistic wars’.
SOME LEADING GENERATIVE 
SEMANTICISTS 
GEORGE LAKOFF 
HAJ ROSS 
20 
PAUL POSTAL 
JAMES MCCAWLEY 
1938-1999
TOWARDS GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
21 
 By 1965-1967, Postal, Ross, and Lakoff were arguing 
that deep structure was much more ‘abstract’ than in 
the standard theory. 
 In this sense, ‘abstract’ means farther from surface 
structure and closer to semantic representation.
‘Floyd broke the glass’ in the Standard Theory 
22 
Now look at the same sentence in a generative semantics treatment.
23
TOWARDS GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
24 
 Notice the lexical decomposition in the tree: 
The verb break is derived from (roughly) 'cause + 
come about + be + broken'.
GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
25 
 By 1970 Generative Semantics was born. 
 Deep Structure had been ‘pushed back’ so closely to 
semantic representation that Lakoff, Ross, Postal, 
and McCawley came to the conclusion that there was 
no independent level of Deep Structure at all.
TOWARDS GENERATIVE 
SEMANTICS 
26
GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
27 
 Generative Semantics did not at first seem like a big 
departure from the standard theory. 
 Their arguments were arrived at almost entirely by 
recourse to the assumptions of Katz and Postal's 
Integrated Theory of Linguistic Descriptions and 
Chomsky's Aspects of the Theory of Syntax.
GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
28 
 The Katz-Postal Hypothesis: 
 Transformations do not change meaning = 
everything you need for meaning is at the level of 
Deep Structure. 
 That hypothesis invited a syntactic solution to every 
semantic problem.
GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
29 
 James McCawley pointed out that words can have 
the same meaning as phrases: 
 kill = cause to die 
 McCawley reasoned that if they have the same 
meaning, they should have the same syntactic 
structure. So:
GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
30
LATE GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
31 
 By 1970 Generative Semantics was at its peak. 
 If it had stabilized there, it might exist today. 
 But it did not stabilize. It kept adding more and 
more new types of data to account for and more 
complex devices to handle them.
LATE GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 
32 
 Needless to say, generative semanticists gave up on 
formalism very quickly. 
 By the mid 1970s, the program of Generative 
Semantics held very little appeal for most linguists. 
 The great majority went over to a more ‘Chomskyan’ 
way of looking at grammar.
FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 
33 
• During the interpretive-generative semantics debate 
more and more evidence was put forward for the 
autonomy of syntax. 
• Let’s look at some of this and then turn to 
mainstream developments. 
• Virtually every linguist in the world agrees that the 
relationship between form and meaning is highly 
systematic.
FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 
34 
Almost all linguists agree that the match up between 
form and meaning is far from one-to-one. 
 Ambiguity (The chickens are ready to eat). 
 Paraphrase (Mary looked up the answer / 
Mary looked the answer up)
FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 
35 
Lexical peculiarities: 
a. He is likely to be late. 
b. *He is probable to be late. (likely, but not probable, allows 
raising) 
a. He allowed the rope to go slack. 
b. *He let the rope to go slack. (let doesn’t take infinitive 
marker) 
a. He isn’t sufficiently tall. 
b. *He isn’t enough tall. / He isn’t tall enough. (enough is only 
degree modifier that occurs post-adjectivally)
FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 
36 
One grammatical relation encoding more than 
one semantic role: 
a. Mary threw the ball [‘Mary’ is the Agent of the action] 
b. Mary saw the play [‘Mary’ is the Experiencer of an event] 
c. Mary received a letter [‘Mary’ is the goal/recipient of 
transfer] 
d. Mary went from Vancouver to Montréal [‘Mary’ is an 
object undergoing transfer of position] 
In each case Mary is the grammatical subject.
FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 
37 
Categorial mismatches — where the same concept is 
encoded by different grammatical categories: 
Quantificational nouns and quantifiers: 
Bill has [a lot of] friends. 
Bill has [many] friends.
FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 
Displacements — frontings and 
extrapositions — that break up 
what are clearly semantic units: 
a. [Many objections to the new work rules] 
were raised. 
b. [Many objections] were raised [to the new 
work rules]. 
38
WHY DO FORM AND MEANING DIVERGE? 
39 
 Pure historical accident: 
Most disyllabic adjectives in English beginning with unstressed a- do not 
occur prenominally: 
*the asleep baby, *the aslant window, *the ajar door, *the atilt picture, etc. 
There is no semantic generalization at work: 
the sleeping baby, the slanted window, the open door, the titled picture 
The generalization is not phonological either: 
the abrupt remark, the acerb comment, the astute recommendation
WHY DO FORM AND MEANING DIVERGE? 
40 
The story: Most of the adjectives that don’t occur prenominally are 
historically grammaticalizations of PPs: 
asleep < on sleep; awake < on wake; ajar < at jar 
They don’t occur prenominally because PPs don’t occur prenominally. 
Abrupt, acerb, and astute, on the other hand, have different histories: 
abrupt (< Lat. abruptus); acerb (< acerbity < Fr. acerbité); astute (< Lat. 
astutus) 
Given their history, there was never an impediment to abrupt, acerb, and 
astute occurring prenominally.
WHY DO FORM AND MEANING DIVERGE? 
41 
 Real-time constraints imposed by the vocal channel 
(Chafe 1967) 
 Conflicting pressures (Martinet 1962) 
Fronting an object highlights the fronted element, but breaks 
up a semantic unit: 
a. What did you eat? 
b. Raw potatoes, I would never eat. 
Pressure from the parser: 
a. [Many objections to the new work rules] were raised. 
b. [Many objections] were raised [to the new work rules].
THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
42 
What kinds of facts bear on whether syntax is 
autonomous? 
An answer from some formalists: ‘Just show a 
mismatch between form and meaning/function’. 
But if that’s all there were to it, then every linguist 
would believe in autonomous syntax.
THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
43 
 We’ve just seen examples of mismatches. 
 Some functionalists say that to refute the 
autonommy of syntax, all that you need to do is to 
show that there is a rule-governed relationship 
between form and meaning.
THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
44 
DORIS PAYNE 
“Crucial evidence for choosing a 
functionalist over a Chomskyan 
formalist approach would 
minimally be any language in 
which there is a rule-governed 
relationship between 
discourse/cognitive functions 
and linear order, where the 
relationship between form and 
function is rule-like. Such 
languages clearly exist.”
THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
45 
Parts of speech: 
a. Nouns tend to denote persons, places, things, 
or concepts. 
b. Verbs tend to denote actions, processes, etc. 
c. And so on for other syntactic categories.
THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
46 
All formal theories posit a rule-governed relation 
between syntactic and semantic structure. 
There would be no ‘autonomous syntacticians’ if, in 
order to qualify as one, you had to reject regular 
rules linking form and meaning.
SUPPORT FOR THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
47 
What does support the autonomy of syntax, then? 
Autonomy of Syntax: The rules (principles, 
constraints, etc.) that determine the combinatorial 
possibilities of the formal elements of a language 
make no reference to constructs from meaning, 
discourse, or language use.
SUPPORT FOR THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
To establish the correctness of the 
autonomy of syntax, one must 
demonstrate that: 
a. there exists an extensive set of purely formal 
generalizations orthogonal to generalizations governing 
meaning or discourse. 
FoG1 FoG2 FoG3 FoG4 FoG5 etc. (FoG = Formal 
Generalization) 
48
SUPPORT FOR THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
49 
b. these generalizations ‘interlock’ in a system.
THE AUTONOMY OF GRAMMATICAL 
COMPONENTS 
50 
The adjective with infinitival complement structure in English 
Noun – Copula – Adjective -- Infinitive 
There are six logically possible ways that the NP subject can relate (in terms of 
understood grammatical relations ) to the Adjective and the Verb. All six 
occur: 
Relation of NP subject to A to V 
a. Mary is eager to please subject subject 
b. Mary is easy to please none object 
c. Mary is liable to dance none subject 
d Guns are cheap to buy subject object 
e. It is useless to try none none 
f. It is (too) dark to see subject none
THE AUTONOMY OF GRAMMATICAL 
COMPONENTS 
51 
 Clearly there is something ‘real’ about that 
pattern itself, whatever meanings or uses it 
might manifest. 
 In other words, the formal patterns 
themselves have an autonomy, not derivable 
from meaning or use.
STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON 
CHANGE 
52 
 Preposition-stranding: 
a. Who did you talk to? 
b. Mary was talked to.
STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON 
CHANGE 
53 
 Despite its typological rarity, P-stranding in English 
has expanded its domain consistently in the last 1000 
years. 
 Chronology of the expansion of P-stranding in English: 
 a. Old English period (all wh-movement type 
operations without an overt wh-pronoun; 
topicalization) 
 b. Early Middle English (overt wh-movement) 
 c. Later Middle English (passives) 
 d. Modern English (over a direct object; e.g. 
Who did they take advantage of?; Mary was taken 
advantage of.)
STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON 
CHANGE 
54 
 What is going on here? 
 An existing grammatical structure has steadily 
expanded its domain. 
 Speakers have the pattern and seem to love it. 
 They use it in more and more contexts.
STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON 
CHANGE 
55 
 Perhaps the expansion is due to the model of 
other P-final structures in English: 
 a. Phrasal verbs with postposed particles: 
i. I looked the answer up. 
ii. Let’s check it out. 
 b. Final P-like directional particles: 
i. I found this lying around. 
ii. She’s coming up (e.g. the stairs)
STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON 
CHANGE 
56 
 In other words — P-stranding has been reinforced 
by the existence of similar — but analytically 
independent — structures in the language. 
 This ‘sensitivity to pure structure’ is predicted by the 
autonomy of syntax.
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
57 
 The autonomy of syntax has become 
progressive weakened over the years in 
mainstream ‘Chomskyan’ syntax. 
 The result is that syntax has been pushed 
back to semantics — similar to what 
happened with Generative Semantics!
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
58 
 The Theta-Criterion 
from Chomsky’s 
Lectures on 
Government and 
Binding (Chomsky 
1981).
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
 The Theta-Criterion: 
59 
 Each argument bears one and only one Q-role and 
each Q-role is assigned to one and only one 
argument. (Chomsky 1981: 36)
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
60 
 The Theta-Criterion demands abstract PRO subjects 
where they do not occur on the surface: 
a) Mary yearns [PRO to convince John that she is 
qualified]. 
b) John left the room [PRO angry].
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
61 
 Next step: The idea that ‘c-selection 
(essentially 
subcategorization) is derivable 
from ‘s-selection’ (essentially, the 
thematic properties of the items 
involved) (Chomsky 1986).
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
62 
 C-selection (subcategorization): the categories that 
an verb takes at the level of D(eep)-structure: 
persuade ___ NP CP 
 S-selection: the semantic roles that a verb takes: 
persuade Agent ___ Patient Proposition
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
63 
Getting rid of subcategorization is 
tantamount to removing one piece 
of motivation for an independent 
level of D(eep)-Structure.
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
64 
 It is not obviously correct to try to derive c-selection 
from s-selection: 
Eat ___ (NP) 
Dine ___ (on NP) 
Devour ___ NP
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
 The next step: Uniformity of Theta 
Assignment Hypothesis (UTAH) 
(Baker 1988). 
 Identical thematic relationships 
between items are represented by 
identical structural relationships 
between those items at the level of 
D-structure. 
MARK BAKER 
65
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
66 
 UTAH is another step in the direction of Generative 
Semantics. Notice how the subjects of each of these 
sentences have different thematic roles: 
Mary threw the ball [‘Mary’ is the Agent of the action] 
Mary saw the play [‘Mary’is the Experiencer of an event] 
Mary received a letter [‘Mary’is the recipient of an object] 
Mary went from Chicago to Detroit [‘Mary’ is an object undergoing 
transfer of position] 
Mary underwent torture [‘Mary’ is a Patient]
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
67 
 Under one interpretation of UTAH, in each of these 
sentences Mary would have to be in a different 
structural position.
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
68 
 Next: Lexical decomposition, which derives semantically 
complex predicates via syntactic movement operations. 
KEN HALE, 1934-2001 JAY KEYSER HAGIT BORER
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
69 
 Next: The cartography program (Rizzi 1997; Cinque 
1999), which appeals in part to semantic motivation 
for syntactic projections: 
LUIGI RIZZI GUGLIELMO CINQUE
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
70 
 “In fact, a restrictive theory should force a one-to-one 
relation between position and interpretation (p. 20) … 
each projection has a specific semantic 
interpretation.” (p. 132) (Cinque 1999)
71
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
72 
 Next: The triggering of movement (and/or the 
licensing of configurations) by semantic properties of 
heads (Rizzi 1991/1996; Haegeman 1995): 
LUIGI RIZZI LILIANE HAEGEMAN
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
73 
“Syntactic movement … must be triggered by the 
satisfaction of certain quasi-morphological 
requirements of heads. … [S]uch features have an 
interpretive import (Wh, Neg, Top, Foc, …): they 
determine the interpretation of the category bearing 
them and of its immediate constituents …, function 
as scope markers for phrases with the relevant 
quantificational force in a local configuration, etc.” 
(Rizzi 1997: 282; emphasis added) 
“[The Negative Criterion appeals to] the semantic-syntactic 
feature NEG.” (Haegeman 1997: 116)
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
74 
 g. The principle of Full Interpretation: Every 
element of Phonological Form and Logical Form 
must receive an appropriate interpretation. 
 h. Phases, which are defined as full propositional 
structures.
THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF 
SYNTAX 
75 
 These do not illustrate syntax becoming deeper and 
incorporating semantics. 
They illustrate grafting semantic notions directly 
into the syntax. 
 There are negative consequences — I’ll just give one 
example.
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
76 
Crosslinguistically we also find the positing of 
semantically-based projections that render purely 
formal generalization all but impossible to capture. 
Take the Neg Phrase projection. The default 
assumption now is that where we have semantic 
negation we have NegP.
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
 Two possibilities: 
77 
 Negative markers cross-linguistically have their own distinct 
syntax, i. e., as part of Neg Phrase. 
 Negative markers cross-linguistically pattern with elements 
that have nothing to do with negation. 
 It’s the second possibility — the one 
supporting autonomy — that is correct.
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
78 
Negation is almost never overtly phrasal. 
 Even worse, NegP obscures the formal similarities 
between negatives in a particular language and other 
categories with the same formal properties (different 
for different languages).
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
79 
1. Complement-taking verb 
Tongan 
a. Na’e ‘alu ‘a Siale 
ASP go ABSOLUTE Charlie 
‘Charlie went’ 
b. Na’e ‘ikai [S ke ‘alu ‘a Siale] 
ASP NEG ASP go ABSOLUTE Charlie 
‘Charlie did not go’ 
‘ikai behaves like a verb in the seem class (we know there is a 
complement because ke occurs only in embedded clauses)
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
80 
2. Auxiliary 
Estonian 
Negative forms pattern with perfects, which are based 
on a form of the copula OLEMA
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
3. Derivational affix 
Turkish 
81 
V + Refl + Recip + Cause + Pass + Neg + Possible + 
Tense/Mood + Person/Number
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
4. Noun 
Evenki (Tungus) 
82 
a. nuan a:cin‘he is not here’ 
b. nuartin a:cir ‘they are not here’ 
(a:cin has a plural form and takes case endings like 
ordinary nouns)
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
5. Adverb 
83 
English 
Not is an adverb in the same class as never, always, 
just, barely. 
We need the filter *not before a finite verb 
to block *Mary not left, etc.
NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 
84 
In other words, negation 
supports the autonomy of syntax.
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
85 
Why has the autonomy of 
syntax come to be so 
weakened?
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
86 
Partly the Minimalist Program is to 
blame. 
Three hypothesis central to the MP 
have pushed syntax back towards 
semantics.
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
 The three hypotheses: 
87 
a. There is no optionality in grammar; hence elements 
move only when they are ‘required to’. (Chomsky 
1995) 
b. Movement must be triggered by a feature on a 
functional head. (Chomsky 1995) 
c. “In a perfectly designed language, each feature 
would be semantic or phonetic, not merely a 
device to create a position or to facilitate 
computation.” (Chomsky 2000: 109)
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
88 
(a) There is no optionality in grammar; hence elements 
move only when they are ‘required to’. (Chomsky 1995) 
 This hypothesis requires that seemingly optional variants 
have different underlying structures. 
 But few if any structural variants have the same semantic 
properties. 
 So structural differences came to be located in 
projections with direct semantic relevance.
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
89 
(b) Movement must be triggered by a feature on a 
functional head. (Chomsky 1995) 
 If projections are semantically defined and, as in (b), 
movement is triggered by features of projections, 
then we are a step closer to the idea that movement 
is semantically motivated.
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
90 
The quote in (c) is the icing on the cake: 
“In a perfectly designed language, each feature 
would be semantic or phonetic, not merely a device 
to create a position or to facilitate computation.” 
(Chomsky 2000: 109) 
 We can disagree with each other profoundly about what a 
‘perfectly designed language’ might look like. But if we do 
happen to agree with (c) — then we can say good-bye to 
the autonomy of syntax.
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
91 
Well before 1995 mainstream syntax was headed in 
an anti-autonomist position. 
 So we can’t ‘blame’ (or ‘thank’) minimalism for that.
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
92 
The most popular formal semantic theories haven’t 
meshed comfortably with mainstream generative 
syntax. 
And the main reason for that is that Chomsky, has 
never shown any interest in formal semantics.
THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 
93 
So the tendency has been to ‘go with 
what we know’ — to expand syntax 
to encompass what is naturally the 
domain of semantic theory.
DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 
94 
 “We hypothesize that FLN only includes recursion and 
is the only uniquely human component of the faculty 
of language.” (Hauser, Chomsky, and Fitch 2002: 1569) 
 If the quote were correct, then syntax would be 
autonomous by definition.
DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 
95 
 In addition to recursion, at least the following are needed in a 
minimalist theory: 
 a. Economy principles such as Last Resort, 
Relativized Minimality (or Minimize Chain Links), and 
Anti-Locality. These don’t fall out from recursion per se, 
but rather represent conditions that need to be imposed 
on it. 
 b. The entire set of mechanisms pertaining to 
phases, including what nodes count for phasehood and 
the various conditions that need to be imposed on their 
functioning, like the Phase Impenetrability Condition.
DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 
96 
 c. The categorial inventory (lexical and 
functional) needs to be specified, as well as the 
formal features they manifest. 
 d. The set of parameters (there might be 
hundreds), their possible settings, and the 
implicational relations among them, need to be 
specified.
DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 
97 
e. “PF-syntax.” Some syntactic phenomena that 
have been attributed to PF: 
i. extraposition and scrambling 
ii. object shift 
iii. head movements 
iv. the movement deriving V2 order 
v. linearization (i.e. VO vs. OV) 
vi. Wh-movement
DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE 
AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 
98 
Economy principles, phases, 
categories, parameter settings, and 
PF syntax clearly differ from 
language to language. 
So the MP doesn’t make the 
question of autonomy irrelevant.
THE ANTI-AUTONOMIST TREND THREATENS THE 
FOUNDATIONS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 
99 
 To stress again: the one feature that has made 
generative grammar distinctively different from 
every other contemporary approach is the claim that 
there is something ‘special’ about syntax. 
 And furthermore that this ‘specialness’ of syntax is at 
the root of the theory of Universal Grammar.
THE ANTI-AUTONOMIST TREND THREATENS THE 
FOUNDATIONS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 
100 
 If you give up the Autonomy of Syntax, then the 
arguments for innate structural principles disappear. 
Opponents of generative grammar claim that the 
arguments for UG fall through because Chomsky and 
his associates don’t realize how isomorphic syntax is 
to semantics (see, for example, Van Valin 1998).
THE ANTI-AUTONOMIST TREND THREATENS THE 
FOUNDATIONS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 
101 
The blurring of the distinction between form and 
meaning gives a huge opening wedge to opponents 
of generative grammar. 
 “In a perfectly designed language, each feature 
would be semantic or phonetic, not merely a 
device to create a position or to facilitate 
computation.” (Chomsky 2000: 109) 
 “The core similarities across languages have 
their origin in two sources: physiological 
constraints on the sound system and 
conceptual constraints on the semantics.” 
(Evans and Levinson 2007: np)
THE ANTI-AUTONOMIST TREND THREATENS THE 
FOUNDATIONS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 
 Peace, harmony, and convergence are good 
things, if you don’t have to give up too much to 
achieve them. 
 Giving up the Autonomy of Syntax is giving up 
too much! 
102

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The Boundary between Syntax and Semantics - Prof. Fredreck J. Newmeyer

  • 1. Class 3: The Boundary between Syntax and Semantics 1 FREDERICK J . NEWMEYER UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON, UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, AND SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY
  • 2. THE NATURE OF MEANING 2  This class will deal with meaning/semantics and its treatment within generative grammar.  Many debates both within generative grammar and between generativists and those in other frameworks have centred around questions of semantics.  To make things more complicated, there has always been debate about what meaning ‘means’.
  • 3. THE NATURE OF MEANING 3 Three approaches to meaning, each of which is at root incompatible with the other two. Nevertheless, each has found its place in current theoretical work:
  • 4. THE NATURE OF MEANING 4  FIRST: Meanings are ‘ideas’ or in current terminology, ‘cognitive representations’.  This has its roots in continental philosophy and was developed by European structuralism.  For Saussure the basic unit of linguistics was the ‘sign’: the relationship between a ‘mental image’ and an ‘acoustic image’.
  • 5. THE NATURE OF MEANING 5  Ray Jackendoff’s Conceptual Semantics is a variant of this idea.  In Cognitive Linguistics, this is the approach to meaning taken.  Today in generative grammar, we see it in such notions as ‘thematic roles’, ‘interpretable features’, and so on.
  • 6. THE NATURE OF MEANING 6  SECOND: Meanings are ‘uses’.  This has its roots in behaviourism, ordinary language philosophy, and British structuralism.  “If you want to know what a word/sentence, etc. means, then see how it is used.”  The use-theory of meaning manifests itself today in pragmatic theory (based on work by such philosophers as Grice, Austin, and Searle).
  • 7. THE NATURE OF MEANING 7  THIRD: Meanings are conditions for establishing the truth of propositions.  This has its roots in the logical tradition, in particular in logical positivist philosophy.  Today we see it in mainstream semantic theory.  Interestingly, Chomsky has always rejected this approach.
  • 8. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 8  Most of the debates in the past 50 years have focused on the boundary between form and meaning.  That is, questions like ‘Is it productive to study form independently of meaning?’  ‘To what extent does syntax have its own patterning that does not reflect meaning?’  One can go a long way to answering these questions without knowing a lot about the nature of meaning.
  • 9. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 9  Chomsky in Syntactic Structures took a very clear position on the form-meaning relationship: “I think that we are forced to conclude that grammar is autonomous and independent of meaning.” (Chomsky 1957: 17)  In other words, you can and should study form without studying meaning at the same time.
  • 10. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 10  Chomsky gave empirical arguments for the independence of form and meaning:  Something can be formally grammatical, but have no meaning: Colourless green ideas sleep furiously.  Two sentences can be related by a transformational rule, yet differ in meaning: Everyone in the room speaks two languages. Two languages are spoken by everyone in the room.
  • 11. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 11  Chomsky also argued that we can use form to get at meaning: ‘In general, as syntactic description becomes deeper, what appear to be semantic questions fall increasingly within its scope...’ (Chomsky 1964: 936).  For example, Chomsky motivated the passive transformation purely on its formal properties (the occurrence of the morpheme be+en, its limitation to transitive verbs, and so on).  The rough paraphrase relation between actives and passives was not one of Chomsky’s motivations.
  • 12. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 12  There was no semantic component in Syntactic Structures.  Incorporating semantics into the model was the work of the next decade.  It was carried out by Jerrold Katz, Jerry Fodor, and Paul Postal.
  • 13. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 13  Katz and Postal (1964): An Integrated Theory of Linguistic Descriptions.  The Katz-Postal Hypothesis: Transformations do not change meaning.  Another way to put that is to say that everything that you need for semantic interpretation is at the level of Deep Structure.
  • 14. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 14  But what about?: Everyone in the room speaks two languages. Two languages are spoken by everyone in the room.  Isn’t this an example of Passive changing meaning?  Katz and Postal argued that both sentences are ambiguous!
  • 15. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 15  In the earliest work, John saw Mary, John did not see Mary, and Did John see Mary? were all derived from the same underlying structure.  So transformations were certainly changing meaning!  Katz and Postal agued that negatives and questions had abstract NEG and Q morphemes in Deep Structure.  So meaning was not changed under transformation.
  • 16. THE BOUNDARY BETWEEN FORM AND MEANING 16  All of these changes laid the basis for Chomsky’s 1965 book Aspects of the Theory of Syntax.  This book proposed what came to be called the ‘Standard Theory’.
  • 17. THE 1965 ASPECTS OF THE THEORY OF SYNTAX MODEL, THE ‘STANDARD THEORY’ 17
  • 18. TOWARDS GENERATIVE SEMANTICS  But in the late 1960s, generative syntacticians split off in two directions: GENERATIVE SEMANTICS INTERPRETIVE SEMANTICS 18
  • 19. TOWARDS GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 19  For almost 10 years, the battles between the two were so vitriolic, the period has been called the time of the ‘linguistic wars’.
  • 20. SOME LEADING GENERATIVE SEMANTICISTS GEORGE LAKOFF HAJ ROSS 20 PAUL POSTAL JAMES MCCAWLEY 1938-1999
  • 21. TOWARDS GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 21  By 1965-1967, Postal, Ross, and Lakoff were arguing that deep structure was much more ‘abstract’ than in the standard theory.  In this sense, ‘abstract’ means farther from surface structure and closer to semantic representation.
  • 22. ‘Floyd broke the glass’ in the Standard Theory 22 Now look at the same sentence in a generative semantics treatment.
  • 23. 23
  • 24. TOWARDS GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 24  Notice the lexical decomposition in the tree: The verb break is derived from (roughly) 'cause + come about + be + broken'.
  • 25. GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 25  By 1970 Generative Semantics was born.  Deep Structure had been ‘pushed back’ so closely to semantic representation that Lakoff, Ross, Postal, and McCawley came to the conclusion that there was no independent level of Deep Structure at all.
  • 27. GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 27  Generative Semantics did not at first seem like a big departure from the standard theory.  Their arguments were arrived at almost entirely by recourse to the assumptions of Katz and Postal's Integrated Theory of Linguistic Descriptions and Chomsky's Aspects of the Theory of Syntax.
  • 28. GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 28  The Katz-Postal Hypothesis:  Transformations do not change meaning = everything you need for meaning is at the level of Deep Structure.  That hypothesis invited a syntactic solution to every semantic problem.
  • 29. GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 29  James McCawley pointed out that words can have the same meaning as phrases:  kill = cause to die  McCawley reasoned that if they have the same meaning, they should have the same syntactic structure. So:
  • 31. LATE GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 31  By 1970 Generative Semantics was at its peak.  If it had stabilized there, it might exist today.  But it did not stabilize. It kept adding more and more new types of data to account for and more complex devices to handle them.
  • 32. LATE GENERATIVE SEMANTICS 32  Needless to say, generative semanticists gave up on formalism very quickly.  By the mid 1970s, the program of Generative Semantics held very little appeal for most linguists.  The great majority went over to a more ‘Chomskyan’ way of looking at grammar.
  • 33. FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 33 • During the interpretive-generative semantics debate more and more evidence was put forward for the autonomy of syntax. • Let’s look at some of this and then turn to mainstream developments. • Virtually every linguist in the world agrees that the relationship between form and meaning is highly systematic.
  • 34. FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 34 Almost all linguists agree that the match up between form and meaning is far from one-to-one.  Ambiguity (The chickens are ready to eat).  Paraphrase (Mary looked up the answer / Mary looked the answer up)
  • 35. FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 35 Lexical peculiarities: a. He is likely to be late. b. *He is probable to be late. (likely, but not probable, allows raising) a. He allowed the rope to go slack. b. *He let the rope to go slack. (let doesn’t take infinitive marker) a. He isn’t sufficiently tall. b. *He isn’t enough tall. / He isn’t tall enough. (enough is only degree modifier that occurs post-adjectivally)
  • 36. FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 36 One grammatical relation encoding more than one semantic role: a. Mary threw the ball [‘Mary’ is the Agent of the action] b. Mary saw the play [‘Mary’ is the Experiencer of an event] c. Mary received a letter [‘Mary’ is the goal/recipient of transfer] d. Mary went from Vancouver to Montréal [‘Mary’ is an object undergoing transfer of position] In each case Mary is the grammatical subject.
  • 37. FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES 37 Categorial mismatches — where the same concept is encoded by different grammatical categories: Quantificational nouns and quantifiers: Bill has [a lot of] friends. Bill has [many] friends.
  • 38. FORM-MEANING MISMATCHES Displacements — frontings and extrapositions — that break up what are clearly semantic units: a. [Many objections to the new work rules] were raised. b. [Many objections] were raised [to the new work rules]. 38
  • 39. WHY DO FORM AND MEANING DIVERGE? 39  Pure historical accident: Most disyllabic adjectives in English beginning with unstressed a- do not occur prenominally: *the asleep baby, *the aslant window, *the ajar door, *the atilt picture, etc. There is no semantic generalization at work: the sleeping baby, the slanted window, the open door, the titled picture The generalization is not phonological either: the abrupt remark, the acerb comment, the astute recommendation
  • 40. WHY DO FORM AND MEANING DIVERGE? 40 The story: Most of the adjectives that don’t occur prenominally are historically grammaticalizations of PPs: asleep < on sleep; awake < on wake; ajar < at jar They don’t occur prenominally because PPs don’t occur prenominally. Abrupt, acerb, and astute, on the other hand, have different histories: abrupt (< Lat. abruptus); acerb (< acerbity < Fr. acerbité); astute (< Lat. astutus) Given their history, there was never an impediment to abrupt, acerb, and astute occurring prenominally.
  • 41. WHY DO FORM AND MEANING DIVERGE? 41  Real-time constraints imposed by the vocal channel (Chafe 1967)  Conflicting pressures (Martinet 1962) Fronting an object highlights the fronted element, but breaks up a semantic unit: a. What did you eat? b. Raw potatoes, I would never eat. Pressure from the parser: a. [Many objections to the new work rules] were raised. b. [Many objections] were raised [to the new work rules].
  • 42. THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 42 What kinds of facts bear on whether syntax is autonomous? An answer from some formalists: ‘Just show a mismatch between form and meaning/function’. But if that’s all there were to it, then every linguist would believe in autonomous syntax.
  • 43. THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 43  We’ve just seen examples of mismatches.  Some functionalists say that to refute the autonommy of syntax, all that you need to do is to show that there is a rule-governed relationship between form and meaning.
  • 44. THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 44 DORIS PAYNE “Crucial evidence for choosing a functionalist over a Chomskyan formalist approach would minimally be any language in which there is a rule-governed relationship between discourse/cognitive functions and linear order, where the relationship between form and function is rule-like. Such languages clearly exist.”
  • 45. THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 45 Parts of speech: a. Nouns tend to denote persons, places, things, or concepts. b. Verbs tend to denote actions, processes, etc. c. And so on for other syntactic categories.
  • 46. THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 46 All formal theories posit a rule-governed relation between syntactic and semantic structure. There would be no ‘autonomous syntacticians’ if, in order to qualify as one, you had to reject regular rules linking form and meaning.
  • 47. SUPPORT FOR THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 47 What does support the autonomy of syntax, then? Autonomy of Syntax: The rules (principles, constraints, etc.) that determine the combinatorial possibilities of the formal elements of a language make no reference to constructs from meaning, discourse, or language use.
  • 48. SUPPORT FOR THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX To establish the correctness of the autonomy of syntax, one must demonstrate that: a. there exists an extensive set of purely formal generalizations orthogonal to generalizations governing meaning or discourse. FoG1 FoG2 FoG3 FoG4 FoG5 etc. (FoG = Formal Generalization) 48
  • 49. SUPPORT FOR THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 49 b. these generalizations ‘interlock’ in a system.
  • 50. THE AUTONOMY OF GRAMMATICAL COMPONENTS 50 The adjective with infinitival complement structure in English Noun – Copula – Adjective -- Infinitive There are six logically possible ways that the NP subject can relate (in terms of understood grammatical relations ) to the Adjective and the Verb. All six occur: Relation of NP subject to A to V a. Mary is eager to please subject subject b. Mary is easy to please none object c. Mary is liable to dance none subject d Guns are cheap to buy subject object e. It is useless to try none none f. It is (too) dark to see subject none
  • 51. THE AUTONOMY OF GRAMMATICAL COMPONENTS 51  Clearly there is something ‘real’ about that pattern itself, whatever meanings or uses it might manifest.  In other words, the formal patterns themselves have an autonomy, not derivable from meaning or use.
  • 52. STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON CHANGE 52  Preposition-stranding: a. Who did you talk to? b. Mary was talked to.
  • 53. STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON CHANGE 53  Despite its typological rarity, P-stranding in English has expanded its domain consistently in the last 1000 years.  Chronology of the expansion of P-stranding in English:  a. Old English period (all wh-movement type operations without an overt wh-pronoun; topicalization)  b. Early Middle English (overt wh-movement)  c. Later Middle English (passives)  d. Modern English (over a direct object; e.g. Who did they take advantage of?; Mary was taken advantage of.)
  • 54. STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON CHANGE 54  What is going on here?  An existing grammatical structure has steadily expanded its domain.  Speakers have the pattern and seem to love it.  They use it in more and more contexts.
  • 55. STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON CHANGE 55  Perhaps the expansion is due to the model of other P-final structures in English:  a. Phrasal verbs with postposed particles: i. I looked the answer up. ii. Let’s check it out.  b. Final P-like directional particles: i. I found this lying around. ii. She’s coming up (e.g. the stairs)
  • 56. STRUCTURAL-SYSTEMIC PRESSURE ON CHANGE 56  In other words — P-stranding has been reinforced by the existence of similar — but analytically independent — structures in the language.  This ‘sensitivity to pure structure’ is predicted by the autonomy of syntax.
  • 57. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 57  The autonomy of syntax has become progressive weakened over the years in mainstream ‘Chomskyan’ syntax.  The result is that syntax has been pushed back to semantics — similar to what happened with Generative Semantics!
  • 58. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 58  The Theta-Criterion from Chomsky’s Lectures on Government and Binding (Chomsky 1981).
  • 59. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX  The Theta-Criterion: 59  Each argument bears one and only one Q-role and each Q-role is assigned to one and only one argument. (Chomsky 1981: 36)
  • 60. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 60  The Theta-Criterion demands abstract PRO subjects where they do not occur on the surface: a) Mary yearns [PRO to convince John that she is qualified]. b) John left the room [PRO angry].
  • 61. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 61  Next step: The idea that ‘c-selection (essentially subcategorization) is derivable from ‘s-selection’ (essentially, the thematic properties of the items involved) (Chomsky 1986).
  • 62. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 62  C-selection (subcategorization): the categories that an verb takes at the level of D(eep)-structure: persuade ___ NP CP  S-selection: the semantic roles that a verb takes: persuade Agent ___ Patient Proposition
  • 63. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 63 Getting rid of subcategorization is tantamount to removing one piece of motivation for an independent level of D(eep)-Structure.
  • 64. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 64  It is not obviously correct to try to derive c-selection from s-selection: Eat ___ (NP) Dine ___ (on NP) Devour ___ NP
  • 65. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX  The next step: Uniformity of Theta Assignment Hypothesis (UTAH) (Baker 1988).  Identical thematic relationships between items are represented by identical structural relationships between those items at the level of D-structure. MARK BAKER 65
  • 66. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 66  UTAH is another step in the direction of Generative Semantics. Notice how the subjects of each of these sentences have different thematic roles: Mary threw the ball [‘Mary’ is the Agent of the action] Mary saw the play [‘Mary’is the Experiencer of an event] Mary received a letter [‘Mary’is the recipient of an object] Mary went from Chicago to Detroit [‘Mary’ is an object undergoing transfer of position] Mary underwent torture [‘Mary’ is a Patient]
  • 67. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 67  Under one interpretation of UTAH, in each of these sentences Mary would have to be in a different structural position.
  • 68. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 68  Next: Lexical decomposition, which derives semantically complex predicates via syntactic movement operations. KEN HALE, 1934-2001 JAY KEYSER HAGIT BORER
  • 69. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 69  Next: The cartography program (Rizzi 1997; Cinque 1999), which appeals in part to semantic motivation for syntactic projections: LUIGI RIZZI GUGLIELMO CINQUE
  • 70. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 70  “In fact, a restrictive theory should force a one-to-one relation between position and interpretation (p. 20) … each projection has a specific semantic interpretation.” (p. 132) (Cinque 1999)
  • 71. 71
  • 72. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 72  Next: The triggering of movement (and/or the licensing of configurations) by semantic properties of heads (Rizzi 1991/1996; Haegeman 1995): LUIGI RIZZI LILIANE HAEGEMAN
  • 73. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 73 “Syntactic movement … must be triggered by the satisfaction of certain quasi-morphological requirements of heads. … [S]uch features have an interpretive import (Wh, Neg, Top, Foc, …): they determine the interpretation of the category bearing them and of its immediate constituents …, function as scope markers for phrases with the relevant quantificational force in a local configuration, etc.” (Rizzi 1997: 282; emphasis added) “[The Negative Criterion appeals to] the semantic-syntactic feature NEG.” (Haegeman 1997: 116)
  • 74. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 74  g. The principle of Full Interpretation: Every element of Phonological Form and Logical Form must receive an appropriate interpretation.  h. Phases, which are defined as full propositional structures.
  • 75. THE WEAKENING OF THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 75  These do not illustrate syntax becoming deeper and incorporating semantics. They illustrate grafting semantic notions directly into the syntax.  There are negative consequences — I’ll just give one example.
  • 76. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 76 Crosslinguistically we also find the positing of semantically-based projections that render purely formal generalization all but impossible to capture. Take the Neg Phrase projection. The default assumption now is that where we have semantic negation we have NegP.
  • 77. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY  Two possibilities: 77  Negative markers cross-linguistically have their own distinct syntax, i. e., as part of Neg Phrase.  Negative markers cross-linguistically pattern with elements that have nothing to do with negation.  It’s the second possibility — the one supporting autonomy — that is correct.
  • 78. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 78 Negation is almost never overtly phrasal.  Even worse, NegP obscures the formal similarities between negatives in a particular language and other categories with the same formal properties (different for different languages).
  • 79. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 79 1. Complement-taking verb Tongan a. Na’e ‘alu ‘a Siale ASP go ABSOLUTE Charlie ‘Charlie went’ b. Na’e ‘ikai [S ke ‘alu ‘a Siale] ASP NEG ASP go ABSOLUTE Charlie ‘Charlie did not go’ ‘ikai behaves like a verb in the seem class (we know there is a complement because ke occurs only in embedded clauses)
  • 80. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 80 2. Auxiliary Estonian Negative forms pattern with perfects, which are based on a form of the copula OLEMA
  • 81. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 3. Derivational affix Turkish 81 V + Refl + Recip + Cause + Pass + Neg + Possible + Tense/Mood + Person/Number
  • 82. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 4. Noun Evenki (Tungus) 82 a. nuan a:cin‘he is not here’ b. nuartin a:cir ‘they are not here’ (a:cin has a plural form and takes case endings like ordinary nouns)
  • 83. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 5. Adverb 83 English Not is an adverb in the same class as never, always, just, barely. We need the filter *not before a finite verb to block *Mary not left, etc.
  • 84. NEGATION AND AUTONOMY 84 In other words, negation supports the autonomy of syntax.
  • 85. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 85 Why has the autonomy of syntax come to be so weakened?
  • 86. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 86 Partly the Minimalist Program is to blame. Three hypothesis central to the MP have pushed syntax back towards semantics.
  • 87. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX  The three hypotheses: 87 a. There is no optionality in grammar; hence elements move only when they are ‘required to’. (Chomsky 1995) b. Movement must be triggered by a feature on a functional head. (Chomsky 1995) c. “In a perfectly designed language, each feature would be semantic or phonetic, not merely a device to create a position or to facilitate computation.” (Chomsky 2000: 109)
  • 88. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 88 (a) There is no optionality in grammar; hence elements move only when they are ‘required to’. (Chomsky 1995)  This hypothesis requires that seemingly optional variants have different underlying structures.  But few if any structural variants have the same semantic properties.  So structural differences came to be located in projections with direct semantic relevance.
  • 89. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 89 (b) Movement must be triggered by a feature on a functional head. (Chomsky 1995)  If projections are semantically defined and, as in (b), movement is triggered by features of projections, then we are a step closer to the idea that movement is semantically motivated.
  • 90. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 90 The quote in (c) is the icing on the cake: “In a perfectly designed language, each feature would be semantic or phonetic, not merely a device to create a position or to facilitate computation.” (Chomsky 2000: 109)  We can disagree with each other profoundly about what a ‘perfectly designed language’ might look like. But if we do happen to agree with (c) — then we can say good-bye to the autonomy of syntax.
  • 91. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 91 Well before 1995 mainstream syntax was headed in an anti-autonomist position.  So we can’t ‘blame’ (or ‘thank’) minimalism for that.
  • 92. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 92 The most popular formal semantic theories haven’t meshed comfortably with mainstream generative syntax. And the main reason for that is that Chomsky, has never shown any interest in formal semantics.
  • 93. THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM AND THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX 93 So the tendency has been to ‘go with what we know’ — to expand syntax to encompass what is naturally the domain of semantic theory.
  • 94. DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 94  “We hypothesize that FLN only includes recursion and is the only uniquely human component of the faculty of language.” (Hauser, Chomsky, and Fitch 2002: 1569)  If the quote were correct, then syntax would be autonomous by definition.
  • 95. DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 95  In addition to recursion, at least the following are needed in a minimalist theory:  a. Economy principles such as Last Resort, Relativized Minimality (or Minimize Chain Links), and Anti-Locality. These don’t fall out from recursion per se, but rather represent conditions that need to be imposed on it.  b. The entire set of mechanisms pertaining to phases, including what nodes count for phasehood and the various conditions that need to be imposed on their functioning, like the Phase Impenetrability Condition.
  • 96. DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 96  c. The categorial inventory (lexical and functional) needs to be specified, as well as the formal features they manifest.  d. The set of parameters (there might be hundreds), their possible settings, and the implicational relations among them, need to be specified.
  • 97. DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 97 e. “PF-syntax.” Some syntactic phenomena that have been attributed to PF: i. extraposition and scrambling ii. object shift iii. head movements iv. the movement deriving V2 order v. linearization (i.e. VO vs. OV) vi. Wh-movement
  • 98. DOES THE MINIMALIST PROGRAM MAKE THE AUTONOMY OF SYNTAX A NON-ISSUE? 98 Economy principles, phases, categories, parameter settings, and PF syntax clearly differ from language to language. So the MP doesn’t make the question of autonomy irrelevant.
  • 99. THE ANTI-AUTONOMIST TREND THREATENS THE FOUNDATIONS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 99  To stress again: the one feature that has made generative grammar distinctively different from every other contemporary approach is the claim that there is something ‘special’ about syntax.  And furthermore that this ‘specialness’ of syntax is at the root of the theory of Universal Grammar.
  • 100. THE ANTI-AUTONOMIST TREND THREATENS THE FOUNDATIONS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 100  If you give up the Autonomy of Syntax, then the arguments for innate structural principles disappear. Opponents of generative grammar claim that the arguments for UG fall through because Chomsky and his associates don’t realize how isomorphic syntax is to semantics (see, for example, Van Valin 1998).
  • 101. THE ANTI-AUTONOMIST TREND THREATENS THE FOUNDATIONS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR 101 The blurring of the distinction between form and meaning gives a huge opening wedge to opponents of generative grammar.  “In a perfectly designed language, each feature would be semantic or phonetic, not merely a device to create a position or to facilitate computation.” (Chomsky 2000: 109)  “The core similarities across languages have their origin in two sources: physiological constraints on the sound system and conceptual constraints on the semantics.” (Evans and Levinson 2007: np)
  • 102. THE ANTI-AUTONOMIST TREND THREATENS THE FOUNDATIONS OF GENERATIVE GRAMMAR  Peace, harmony, and convergence are good things, if you don’t have to give up too much to achieve them.  Giving up the Autonomy of Syntax is giving up too much! 102

Editor's Notes

  1. MENTION ALL AMERICANS ALL MEN
  2. ROSS AND LAKOFF’S CLASSES
  3. PROJECTION RULES WERE TRIVIAL
  4. RULE OF PREDICATE RAISING COLLPASES THE PREDICATES
  5. Whatever you might want to call a lot of, it clearly does not have the formal properties of the quantifier many.
  6. B: massive structural ambiguity; collapsing of multiple roles C: pressure from parser: the longer the PP more likely extraposition
  7. It’s easy to show mismatches.
  8. OF COURSE SUCH LANGUAES EXIST Every language
  9. Stress — a systematic relationship between form and etc.
  10. Now an historical example
  11. Arguments are semantic properties of heads. No NP can have 2 theta-roles
  12. In (a) yearn takes a theme, convince an agent In (b) leave and angry take different theta-roles, so you need a PRO
  13. Just 2 examples
  14. NOT VERY DIFFERENT!