SArmendariz Literature Review - Black Women in Politics
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Black Women in Politics:
An Investigation of the Dynamics of Race and Gender
Sydney Armendariz
Saint Mary’s University of Minnesota
Schools of Graduate & Professional Programs
OL615 Critical Thinking and Research
Amy Erickson and Jena Klein
May 1, 2015
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Abstract
The purpose of this study is to analyze the dualism of race and gender for Black women in
political careers. This review specifically focuses on the question: how does the dualism of race
and gender affect Black women’s attainment of political leadership positions? This study will
analyze the invisibility of Black women in society, unique leadership experiences, and make a
comparison of the limitations of race and gender. If this review were a study, archival research,
interviews, and focus groups would be the preferred research methods.
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Black Women in Politics:
An Investigation of the Dynamics of Race and Gender
Introduction
Many studies have investigated the intersectionality of race and gender in relation to
discrimination in the workplace and the experiences of Black women in the education and
business sectors. Race and gender frequently contribute to the experiences of Black people in
America, as evidenced by various historical and recent events. Although Black women have
contributed to Black politics, they do not occupy many political arenas in modern society. While
it is important to understand how the intersectionality of race and gender affects Black women as
politicians, few studies have solely researched this question.
The purpose of this literature review is to achieve an understanding of how the dualism of
race and gender affect Black women’s attainment of political positions. Black women in
political positions are a distinctive group that needs further study to determine how this
intersectionality contributes to the underrepresentation of this population. This review examines
the various forces that contribute to the absence of Black women in politics, including their
invisibility in society, their unique leadership experiences, and if race or gender places more
limitations on their careers.
Background
Historically, Black women have made great strides in obtaining political leadership
positions, despite their low presence in modern politics. In 1952, Charlotta A. Bass was the first
African-American woman nominated to run for Vice President, and in 1968, Shirley Chisolm
was the first African-American woman elected to the House of Representatives, and the first
African-American to deliver the keynote speech at the Democratic National Convention in 1972
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(Salmon, 2008). In recent years, California voters elected Kamala Harris as Attorney General in
2010, and re-elected her in 2014, thus being the first African-American, the first Asian-
American, and the first woman in the position. Currently, there are eighteen Black women out of
the four-hundred-and-thirty-five seats in the House of Representatives, one serving as the United
States’ House Delegate, and none in the one-hundred seats of the Senate. In state and local
political positions, there are two Black women serving as State Treasurer and Attorney General,
and three Black women serving as mayors.
It is also important to note that Black women are often more educated than their male
counterparts, although they are currently underrepresented in American politics. In 2010, the
National Center for Education Statistics reported that 10.3% of Bachelor’s degrees were
conferred to Black people, of whom 65.9% were women; Black students also earned 12.5% of
Master’s degrees, of whom 71.1% were women.
Review of the Literature
Invisibility
Interchangeable.
In 2010, Sesko and Biernat conducted a study to examine the invisibility of Black
women. They argued that Black women are invisible because they do not align with the
traditional perception of women or Black people (Sesko & Biernat, 2010). The study was
conducted in two experiments with White and Black undergraduates, where participants looked
at a series of pictures of White or Black women, and then listened to a group conversation. The
first experiment examined if participants were more likely to overlook Black women in a large
crowd by showing a series of pictures of White or Black men and women. The results indicated
that participants were least likely to recognize Black women correctly in comparison to the other
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groups (2010). Participants correctly identified “new” faces for Black men, White women, and
White men.
The second experiment assessed if Black women were also more likely to go unheard in a
group conversation. After listening to the conversation, the experimenters asked participants to
match comments with the correct speaker. Participants were more likely to confuse the
comments made by the two Black women speakers. In addition, participants were more likely to
match comments made by Black women to other speakers in the group. The results of both
experiments suggest that Black women are more likely to be interchangeable with each other
compared to Black men, and White men and women.
Intersectional Invisibility.
Intersectional invisibility occurs when Black women display typical leadership behaviors
without penalty, as compared to White women and Black men, which allows Black women to
express leadership because of their secondary statuses in race and gender (Livingston & Rosette,
2012). Livingston and Rosette investigated how Black women fared in leadership positions,
compared to Black men, and White men and women. Over two-hundred participants, half of
whom were women, evaluated fictional leaders’ effectiveness and the extent to which the
company executive was typical of a leader. The results suggested that when a company
experienced success, the dualism of race and gender did not affect the evaluated effectiveness of
Black women, as their evaluations were comparable to Black men and White women. However,
this double jeopardy did correspond to a lower evaluation when a company was failing. These
results indicate that intersectional invisibility can serve as an advantage when a Black woman is
successful because she is able to exert more leadership characteristics without penalty.
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These findings are similar to another study by Livingston, Rosette, and Washington,
which sought to examine the gap in existing research by investigating if race moderates the
difference between leadership behaviors and stereotypical gender roles (Livingston, Rosette, and
Washington, 2012). In this study, eighty-four non-Black participants read a biography of a
fictional senior vice president of a Fortune 500 company. Then, they read a description of a
meeting between the executive and an underperforming subordinate employee. The participants
rated the executives on how the leader handled the situation, including the leader’s plan to
maximize the employee’s performance, and how much they thought the employees and other
executives admired or respected the leader. Next, participants indicated what they thought the
leader’s annual salary should be, ranging from $100,000 to $500,000, and how much the leader’s
reaction reflected his or her personality versus aspects of the situation. The results indicated an
agency penalty against White women leaders, and the opposite for Black women leaders. The
responses to Black women were similar to the responses to White men leaders.
Intersectional invisibility can lead to bridge leadership, where Black women serve as
nontraditional leaders through adapted leadership roles without formal titles (Robnett, 1996). As
society characterizes leaders as people, preferably men, who hold formal positions, exude power
over their followers, make decisions for the community they serve, and whom their followers
perceive as the leaders (Robnett, 1996). As defined, bridge leadership is the intermediate layer
of leadership between leaders and followers because it serves as the middle ground for
connecting leaders with followers. Historically, Black women have not met these standards, but
they learned how to be leaders through their invisibility by organizing movements and rallying
followers for the more prominent leaders. In 1996, Robnett analyzed the role of gender in the
civil rights movement by studying biographies, archives, and by interviewing fifty Black women
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about their participation, and other women’s involvement, with their respective civil rights
organizations. Although they did not have formal authoritative titles, the women fulfilled many
leadership duties, including coordinating fundraisers, recruiting demonstrators, encouraging
people to vote, and other day-to-day operations. It is important to note that the interviewees did
not feel their activities were limited because of their job titles in the organizations. They
explained that their experiences in the civil rights movement were liberating and not limited
because of their gender. Since they did not have formal titles, they explained that they did not
have to succumb to the pressure that accompanies official leadership positions. They were able
to focus on the grassroots movements that happened outside of the office.
Unique Leadership Experiences
Stereotypes of Black women can lead to unique experiences as leaders. The most common
stereotypes of Black women today are the mammy, the Jezebel, the Sapphire, the angry Black
woman, and Superwoman (Reynolds-Dobbs et al., 2008, pp. 135-142). The Mammy is a
motherly, loyal, nurturing woman, who is usually heavyset and a family’s matriarch (e.g. a Big
Momma). A Jezebel is a woman who is overtly sexual, promiscuous, and often has light skin.
Film director Tyler Perry’s character, Madea, is an example of a Sapphire: a loud, overly
assertive, dramatic, and wisecracking woman. As depicted in many modern romantic Black
movies, an angry Black woman is unstable, angry, aggressive, defensive, and untrusting of men.
Lastly, a Superwoman is overachieving, intelligent, assertive, and articulate.
The results from Livingston, Rosette, and Washington’s experiment suggest that these
stereotypes might influence people’s perceptions of Black women who exhibit agentic behaviors,
such as assertiveness and dominance (2012). If people perceive a Black woman as angry, they
regard her agentic behaviors as a part of her identity, thus confirming the stereotype. In this
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study, dominant Black women leaders and White men did not create the same backlash as White
women leaders. Experiment participants gave White women and Black male leaders a lower
status when they expressed dominant behaviors in the study, which may result from their
perceived stereotypes.
Stereotypes can also make it difficult for Black women to succeed in politics because
people may scrutinize any of their mistakes or decisions. Parham-Payne conducted two focus
groups of Black women, who self-identified as Democrats, to examine how past social and
historical events have facilitated the Obama presidential campaign. The focus groups also
identified social forces that will help, or hinder, a Black woman bid for presidency. The two
focus groups agreed that conventional feminism excluded Black women and that history
undervalued their roles in the civil rights movement. Regarding the 2008 presidential election,
the first group expressed their internal conflicts between their race and their gender during the
Democratic primaries with Hilary Clinton and Barack Obama. However, the second group of
women did not share the same conflicts, as they agreed that they were more proud to see a Black
man succeed in politics. Both groups noted that race had a more significant impact on their
choice to vote for Obama than gender. When asked if a Black woman could become President,
the first group had mixed reactions, citing that stereotypes could show the emotional and mental
strength of Black women. The second group expressed that stereotypes would negatively affect
political career aspirations for Black women because they would need to overcome gender and
racial barriers. Both groups agreed that a Black woman president would face more scrutiny
because of this dual-ism.
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Race versus Gender Limitations
Race can present more limitations for Black women, but it is important to compare the
average experiences of Black and White women. In a research study, over three-hundred female
leaders responded to a survey that investigated the factors that influence the success of female
leaders (Key et al., 2012). The survey questioned the respondents about their childhood
experiences, adversities they may have faced as spouses and mothers, whether they experienced
different forms of discrimination and/or harassment at work, and if they thought their gender
and/or race have affected their careers.
The results indicated that women of color were more likely to experience poverty and
hardships, including racial discrimination, financial hardship, and spousal death. However,
White women were more likely to report experiences of sexual harassment. Both groups agreed
that there is a glass ceiling for women, but women of color reported that this created a barrier in
their careers. Women of color also perceived more obstacles to and received less assistance with
their career advancement. This study suggests that although these women share some
experiences of being a gender minority, their race has significantly influenced the differences in
their leadership experiences. The White respondents reported that their race has helped their
career, independent of their gender, and the opposite was true for the participants of color.
Discussion
Black women occupy two spaces of being minorities in race and gender, which does not
symbolize the leadership characteristics of assertiveness, confidence, and dominance. Society
often overlooks them as leaders in political positions because they do not fit this mold of
traditional leadership. When society argues about women’s issues, more often than not, they are
referring to White women, and when issues of racism arise, they discuss Black men or the Black
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population in general. In researching studies for this literature review, many articles focused on
sexism towards White women and racism towards Black men. Therefore, political discourses
and mainstream society renders Black women invisible by excluding them from representation.
Although invisibility does not assume disadvantage or advantage for different populations, it is a
form of discrimination because it can exclude groups from conventional society.
In many of the studies, Black women were somewhat buffered from agency penalties, as
the responses to Black women leaders were similar to the responses to White men leaders.
However, the difference between penalties for leadership behaviors versus incompetency may
have contributed to the similar responses. Research comparing followers’ perspectives of male
and female leaders indicates that effective leadership is frequently connected to stereotypical
masculine traits, thus defining the typicality of leadership (Kent & Moss, 1994, p. 1342). Further
research is necessary to investigate whether there is tolerance for Black women leaders who
make mistakes because their perceived incompetency might connect to their non-typicality of
leadership.
Research regarding the history of Black women as leaders indicated that mobilization
does not always happen in a linear method with leaders mobilizing followers. Black women
were not the standard leaders during the civil rights movement, but they took the initiative to
assemble followers and organize formal protests and rallies. The research indicated that one
could not simply label people as leaders or followers because leadership moved through
organizations in different forms, such as bridge leadership. In the civil rights movement, Black
women used bridge leadership to connect the civil rights organizations to potential supporters.
During this time, the traditional gender roles caused Black women to serve in supportive roles to
Black men, such as secretaries or even as temporary substitutes for executive staff until the
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position was filled. While Black women organized and rallied more followers to join the cause,
Black men performed the public duties of leadership. After men excluded them from formal
positions, Black women used bridge leadership to make meaningful contributions to the
movement.
Black women occupy a challenging space in American politics. Ideally, politicians should
serve for the betterment of the country, which is made of people from different races, genders,
religions, and sexualities. However, they are often not a reflection of American communities
and the country’s diversity. Society may feel that Black women cannot effectively relate to the
general population as politicians because their unique historical experiences have excluded them
from many public discourses. Also, society considers Black women who do not fit the
traditional stereotypes as rare exceptions, while the Black community labels them as assimilators
or traitors (2008, p. 143). Both of these ideas cause Black women to fear loneliness from losing
their identity in the Black community and being excluded from American society. Although
some Black women successfully balance both expectations, as evidenced by the current Black
women in political office, many do not and they fail to gain enough public support for their
political campaigns.
The results from the Rosette and Livingston experiment that studied how Black women are
criticized as leaders, compared to Black men and White women leaders, also shows this dual-
ism. A double jeopardy was more likely to occur when an organization failed because study
participants linked the two minority identities of being Black, and being a woman, to below
average outcomes. However, it is unknown if Black women would receive the same criticism if
their actions were only taken in context to a situation where agentic behaviors are necessary.
Although Black women may not receive criticism for demonstrating agentic behaviors according
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to the stereotypes, they may receive harsher criticism for failures or mistakes. Stereotypes also
pressure Black women to outperform their male and White counterparts, with little support for
their efforts, thus further contributing to the Superwoman stereotypes. Thus, if the country elects
a Black woman president, people could severely criticize her for negative outcomes because she
would depict an atypical leader. A Black woman president could receive more negative
feedback than President Obama because she is a dual-minority in race and gender.
The comparison of White and minority women leaders’ experiences illustrates the
significance of race, even between the same gender and positions of authority. Black women
may internalize similar barriers to leadership, such as the glass ceiling, whereas many White
women may view it as merely another obstacle to overcome. In addition, race affects Black
women becoming political leaders more than their gender because they experience more racism,
rather than sexism. This can discourage Black women from seeking high-ranking or high profile
positions in politics because there is a fear of failure because that is the common expectation of
people of color. This discouragement, combined with the gender glass ceiling, overshadows
many leadership skills that Black women could bring to politics.
Conclusion
While the given research did address correlations between race, gender, and leadership
careers, it did not directly address this dualism for Black women in politics. Further research is
needed to investigate if society’s response and critique of President Obama’s performance have
discouraged Black women from entering politics. Research is also needed to survey current
Black women in politics for their first-hand experiences and what led them to pursue their
political careers. A study of the Black community’s perception of Black women politicians
would indicate if the community would view them as traitors to their race, or if the community
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would support their efforts. This information could lead to future theories about the significance
of race in the political arena.
Method Choice
If I were to conduct a study, I would use qualitative methods by conducting interviews with
Black and White women in politics, and studying autobiographical and archival materials by
previous Black women politicians. I would also conduct focus groups to assess how constituents
respond to Black and White women in politics. Previous research has shown there is a
correlation between race and gender in career experiences, and qualitative methods would help
assess the underlying reasons why this dualism exists. My study would investigate the reasons
for this relationship and how it has evolved over time.
Sample Selection
If possible, either I would try to conduct interviews, in-person, Skype, or via telephone,
with Black women who are currently in office and who have previously served. The questions
would be pre-determined standard set that includes demographic and narrative questions that
allow for any necessary follow-up. I would research archival and biographical material for those
who are deceased or unavailable for an interview.
For the focus groups, I would select two neutral facilitators, one male and one female
facilitator and I would define the groups similar to the Parham-Payne study. I would ask
comparative questions about White and Black, male and female, politicians to assess how their
opinions differ. I would also ask hypothetical questions about their opinions of a Black woman
as president or vice president. I would note each person’s response and any points that the
groups agreed or disagreed upon. I would offer a $25-30 gift card to Target or Walmart as an
incentive. I would also ensure that the focus groups do not last over ninety minutes. After
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collecting the responses and analyzing any interviews or archival research, I would assess the
data to draw any conclusions to answer my research question directly.
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References
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