Tokyo Studio Reimagines Aoyama Street for an Aging Society

Tokyo Studio
Re-Imaging Aoyama Street
Instructor: Naka Matsumoto
TA: Emily Gordon
Ariana Branchini - Chunxiao Xu - Jordanna Lacoste Kyle
Innes - Ola El Hariri - Patrick Jalasco - Ying Li - Yidan Xu

This studio would like to thank our client Hulic Co., Ltd. for enabling us to consider the issues of
planning in Tokyo while providing guidance and answering questions throughout the semester.
Additionally, we would like to thank our visitors Mr. Harada and Mr. Fujimura, as well as researchers
from the Mori Memorial Foundation.
We would like to express our appreciation to the people we met in Tokyo who helped us with our
work. Professor Kobayashi and Professor Nakajima, as well as the students of their labs at Keio
University, provided a valuable perspective on our project’s scope within urban planning in Tokyo.
We thank them for their hospitality and collaborative efforts.
We are grateful to Benika Morokuma, UBS directors Hirohide Nishiyama and Kouji Takahashi, as
well as Dr. Iguchy and the Aoyama Gakuin non-profit organization for their contributions. Further-
more, we appreciate the critical role the Minato Ward government officials played in guiding our
focus while on site.
Finally would also like to thank our instructor, Naka Matsumoto as well as our teaching assistant
Emily Gordon. Their advice and direction was instrumental to this work.
Acknowledgements

Table of Contents
1. Executive Summary
2. Introduction
- Location
- The Planning Context:
- Hisotry
- Aging Society
- Disaster Planning
- 2020 Olympics
- Zoning & Land Use
- Housing
- Transportation
- Historic Preseration
- Urban Design
3. The Planning Issue:
- Client
- Our Task
- Elements of the Issue:
- Aging Society
- Disaster Planning
- 2020 Olympics
- PPP
- Our Approach
- Our Planning Goals
4. Methodology and Data Collection
- Description of On-Site Methodology
- On Site Data Collection
- Issue 1: Identity
- Issue 2: Bike & Pedestrian Friendliness
- Issue 3: Connectivity
5. Background Research and Case Studies
- Identity
- Street Divisions (Functional Clustering in Tokyo - Marunouchi)
- Design Coherency (Greenery, Coherency of Building Heights and Facades)
- Bike Friendliness
- Copenhagenize Index
- Bike Infrastructure and Services (Lanes, Parking)
- Bike Accessibility
- Bike Laws (Traffic Lights, Etiquette, Enforcement)
- Bike Share
- Pedestrian Friendliness
- Street Furniture
- Open Space - Pedestrian Island
- Connectivity
- Crossing Improvements (Crosswalks and overhead bridges)
- POPS Network
- Pedestrian Median
6. Main Issues & Recommendations
- Issue: Identity
- Rec 1: Street Divisions
- Rec 2: Design Guidelines by Division
- Issue: Bike and Pedestrian Friendliness
- Rec 3: BikeLanes
- Rec 4: Bike Accessibility
- Rec 5: Bike Parking
- Rec 6: Bike Laws (Lights, enforcement, etiquette)
- Rec 7: Bike Share
- Rec 8: Multi Purpose Street Furniture
- Rec 9: Pedestrian Island
- Issue: Connectivity
- Rec 10: POPS improvements and network
- Rec 11: Overhead bridge elimination
7. Site analysis
- Children’s Castle
- Existing Conditions
- Proposal
- Public Housing
- Proposal
- Hulic Building
- Proposal

8. Timeline of Implementation
- Mechanisms
9. Conclusion
- Limitations
- Future Use
Index of Images
1. Hulic Headquarters Rooftop - page 11
2. Locating Japan - pages 12, 13
3. Locating Aoyama - page 15
4. Locating Shibuya & Minato Wards - page 14
5. 1937 Map of Aoyama Street - page 17
6. Edo Map of Tokyo - page 16
7. Meiji Emperor - page 18
8. Meiji Shrine - page 18
9. Painting of the Meiji parliament - page 19
10. Expressway over Nihonbashi - page 21
11. Elderly in Japan - page 23
12. Elderly Exercising - page 24
13.Woman & Child Resting on a Bench - page 24
14. Artistic Representation of Tokyo After an Earthquake - page 27
15. Map Showing Pacific Ring of Fire - page 26
16. Disaster Vulnerability Levels of Tokyo’s 23 Wards - page 28
17. Concentrations of Wooden Houses in Tokyo’s 23 Wards - page 28
18. Possible Evacuation Shelters Around Aoyama St.- page 29
19. Hospitals Around Aoyama St. - page 29
20. Evacuation Zones Around Aoyama St. - page 29
21. Emergency Roads - page 29
22. 1964 Olympics - page 31
23. Olympic Site Venues - page 32
24. Zaha Hadid’s Design for the 2020 Olympics National Stadium - page 33
25. Land use map of the Area Around Shibuya Station - page 34
26. Zoning Diagram - page 35
27. Single Family House - page 36
28. High Rise Apartment Building on Aoyama St. - page 36
29. Tokyo’s Household Density - page 37
30. Average Land Value Distribution - page 38
31. Map of Tokyo Population Over 65 - page 39
32. Inauguration of Shinkansen - page 41
33. Map of Subway Lines & Stations Along Aoyama street - page 42
34. Subway Stations & Ridership Near Aoyama - page 43
35. Museum Near the National Stadium - page 45
36. Meiji shrine - page 47
37. Ginza Street - page 49
38. Green Roof Design, Tokyo Plaza - page 48
39. Illustration of Street Greenery in Tokyo - page 50
40. Vertical Garden in Shinjuku - page 50
41. Example of Private Front-Door Landscaping in Tokyo - page 50
42. Tokyu Plaza, Omotessando Street - page 51
43. View of a Pedestrian Over Pass on Aoyama St - page 53
44. Meeting with Hulic at their Headquarters in Tokyo - page 54
45. Group Picture Outside HULIC’s Offices - page 55
46. Bus station post-disaster - page 56
47. Special Zones for Asian HQ Map Data - page 56
48. Percentage of Children in Various countries - page 56
49. Minato Ward Representatives - page 57
50. Hulic (PPP) - Community square - page 57
51. Minami Housing Complex - page 58
52. Subway Entrance on Aoyama Street - page 59
53. Diagram Showing Interests of Various Parties Invlolved - page 62
54. Diagram of Issues Observed on Aoyama Street - page 64
55. Taking Vehicular Counts - page 66
56. Surveying Buildings Along Aoyama Street - page 67
57. On-Site Research - page 69
58. Aoyama Street: Mismatching Building Façades - page 70
59. Median on Aoyama Street - page 70
60. Ginza Pedestrian Weekend - page 70

61. Iconic Architecture on Omotesando St. - page 70
62. Tokyo Plaza - page 70
63. Aoyama Street Section Showing Inconsistent Height of Buildings - page 71
64. Existing Functions on Aoyama Street - page 71
65. Vehicle Counts - Weekday AM - page 72
66. Vehicle Counts - Weekday PM - page 72
67. Vehicle Counts - Weekend - page 72
68. Bike Counts - Weekday AM - page 72
69. Bike Counts - Weekday PM - page 72
70. Bike Counts - Weekend - page 72
71. Illegally Parked Bikes on Aoyama Street - page 73
72. Overhead Bridges - page 73
73. Bikers Obstructing Pedestrians Traffic - page 73
74. Lack of Street Furniture - page 73
75. Existing Open Space on Aoyama Street - page 73
76. Existing Benches on Aoyama St. - page 73
77. Existing Crosswalks on Aoyama St. - page 74
78. Existing Overhead Bridges on Aoyama St. - page 74
79. Location Map - page 74
80. Base Map Showing Buildings vs Open Space - page 74
81. Block Section - page 75
82. Function Map - page 75
83. Privately Owned Public Space, San Francisco - page 77
84. Matrice of Street Comparisons - page 78
85. Matrice of Aoyama street Sections Comparison - page 79
86. Marunouchi Business District - page 80
87. Street-side zone designations - page 81
88. Existing & Planned Bike Lanes in Tokyo - page 82
89. Top ten countries on the Copenhagen Criteria for Bike Friendliness - page 83
90. Bike Path - Nagoya, Japan - page 84
91. Bike Path Different Material - Copenhagen, Denmark - page 84
92. Bike Parking (Ottawa, Canada) - page 84
93. City Racks (NYC, USA) - page 85
94. Underground Bike Parking (Nagoya, Japan) - page 85
95. Bike Etiquette - Copenhagen,Denmark - page 86
96. Bike Lights - Paris, France - page 86
97. Bike Law Enforcement - Aoyama Street - page 86
98. Paris Bike Share - page 87
99. Multi Purpose Street Furniture - page 88
100. Frank Gehry Bench Design - page 88
101. Multi Purpose Street Furniture - page 89
102. Open Space by Madison Square Park, NYC - page 90
103. Madison Square Park Pedestrian Plaza - page 90
104. Aerial View Showing the “Skin & Bean Paste” Condition - page 91
105. Base Map - page 92
109. Seagram plaza - Midtown NYC - page 93
110. POPS Serving as a Pedestrian Corridor - Midtown, NYC - page 93
111. POPS in Marunouchi, Tokyo - page 93
112. Best practice POPS in Kyoto - page 94
113. Overhead Bridges on Aoyama St. - page 95
114. Wide Crossings on Aoyama St. - page 95
115. Overhead Bridges on Aoyama St. - page 95
116. Pedestrian Median in Eastern Parkway Brooklyn, NYC - page 96
117. Bike Path in Eastern Parkway Brooklyn, NYC - page 97
118. Rendering of Street Furniture & Bike Lanes - page 99
119. Existing Functions on Aoyama Street - page 100
120. Proposed Functional Clusters on Aoyama Street - page 101
121. Proposed Streetscape - page 102
123. Ni-Chome Intersection Existing - page 103
124. Ni-Chome Intersection Proposal - page 104
125. Bike Ramp - Nagoya, Japan - page 105
126. Bikes on Subway - Copenhagen, Denmark- page 105
127. Bike Counts (15 minute Intervals) - page 106
128. Proposed Bike Share Locations - page 106
129. Existing Sidewalk Section - page 106
130. Proposed Sidewalk Section - page 106
131. Existing Condition - page 107
132. Proposal - page 107
133. Rendering of Median Proposal - page 107
136. Proposed Plan for Existing Open Space - page 108
137. Existing Open Space - page 108
138. Rendering of Proposed Plan for Existing Open Space - page 109
139. Map Showing Replaced Bridges - page 110
140. Map Showing New Crosswalks - page 110
141. National Children’s Castle - page 112
142. Public Housing Site - page 113
143. Hulic Building Site - page 113
144. Site Proposals - page 113
146. Weekend Farmers Market - page 114
149. Connection to Existing Open Space - page 115
150. Proposed Functional 3D - page 115
151. Rendering of Proposed Open Space - page 116
154. Street Section - page 117
156. Proposed Function - page 118
157. Section Showing Underground Connection to Subway Stop - page 119
160. Site Section - page 120
161. Proposed Connection to Aoyama Street - page 121
162. Proposed Functional 3D - page 121
163. Timeline of Implementation - page 122
164. View of Tokyo - page 125

1110 Tokyo Studio: Re-Imaging Aoyama StreetTokyo Studio: Re-Imaging Aoyama Street
In January 2014, Tokyo based real estate development firm Hu-
lic Co., Ltd. tasked GSAPP’s urban planning studio to study
the context of future development in Tokyo. As a group of eight
members from five countries, the studio team provides the in-
ternational perspective requested by Hulic. The studio chose
to focus on the future identity of Aoyama Street, also known as
national route 246, as we believe Aoyama Street can serve as
a microcosm for development in Tokyo. Aoyama Street is home
to one of Hulic’s office buildings, serves as a through street to
Tokyo core, and provides one of the entrances to the national
stadium that will be a main venue for 2020 Olympics.
We believe our studio can contribute to Hulic’s assessment of
development plans and future public-private partnership (PPP)
opportunities. Before visiting the site in March, this studio fo-
cused its research on understanding the Japanese planning
context and pertinent social issues, including the aging popula-
tion, natural disaster and the 2020 Olympics. While on site, the
studio conducted field surveys and attended a number of meet-
ings. From the data collected, the studio analyzed opportuni-
ties for potential improvements to Aoyama Street, which could
contribute to the public good. We have compiled a number of
recommendations for Hulic and other stakeholders including
local and federal governments. The studio seeks to define op-
portunity for Hulic’s profitability by understanding and improving
its environmental surroundings, which will be directly influenced
by other stakeholders.
This report will categorize the issues this studio identified on
site as lack of identity, bike and pedestrian friendliness and con-
nectivity. From this perspective, the studio crafted recommen-
dations that will benefit both the private and public, including
opportunities to benefit the future health, safety, accessibility
and enjoyment of people using Aoyama Street.
Finally, considering the continuous nature of development,
the studio has also organized long and short-term goals. We
hope this work will provide guidelines for future development on
Aoyama Street, and our methods and research can eventually
serve in an analysis of other areas in Tokyo as well.
Executive Summary
1. Hulic Headquarters Rooftop

Introduction
2. Locating Japan
Google Earth Screenshot

Suginami
ta
Setagaya
Shinagawa
Meguro
Nerima
Itabashi
Adachi
Katsushika
Sumida
Edogawa
Koto
Ch
Chiyoda
Minato
Shibuya
Shinjuku
Shinjuku Bunky
Toshima
Arakawa
Tait
Japan is an archipelago in the Pacific Ocean made up of four
major islands: Hokkaido, Shikoku, Kyushu and Honshu. It has
a population of 127.6 million people who live in 47 prefectures.
Tokyo Metropolitan Area is located in the southeastern part of
Honshu, Japan’s main island, in the Kanto region. This is the
largest metro area in the world with 32.5 million people. In its
central core, approximately 9 million people live in its 23 “special
wards”.
The focus of our project is Aoyama Street, also known as na-
tional route 246 located between Shibuya and Minato wards.
Aoyama Street is 2.2 kilometers long, 33.5 meters wide and ac-
commodates up to ten lanes of traffic.
Location
Shibuya
Minato
3. Locating Aoyama
4. Locating Shibuya & Minato Wards

The Planning Context
History
- Topography and road systems
Tokyo’s origins date back to its establishment in 1603 as a city called
Edo. Since then, topography has been important to the city’s develop-
ment. Tokyo’s seven major hills along with their corresponding valleys set
the basic pattern of Tokyo (Jinnai, 1995). This topography is reflected in
our site: Aoyama Street is on the upland of Akasaka-Azabu. The Edo pe-
riod road system, which served as the framework and interconnection of
the city, was closely related to this landscape. There are three levels for
roads: the main roads, the ring roads and the branch roads. Main roads,
which were all developed along the ridge, stretched out from the center of
the city, and set up the connection between the center and suburb.
Aoyama Street was developed from the Akasaka ridge road that served
as the major throughway. Ring roads, as the name suggests, connect-
ed the radial main roads. In this way, the city not only developed from
the center outward, but also had interregional communications. Lastly,
the branch roads were the basis of residential development. Unlike main
roads and ring roads, branch roads were usually narrow and wound in
all types of directions. Based on these branch roads off the major hills,
residential buildings were formed. These varied from the Daimyo man-
sions to more humble residences of the lower class warriors, as well as
farmers, craftsmen and merchants.
6. Edo Map of Tokyo
https://www.library.metro.tokyo.jp/Portals/0/edo/tokyo_library/english/edojoh/page1-1.html
5. Map of Aoyama Street in 1937
Minato Ward Government

- Social Change
During the Edo period, the city’s social and physical environment was shaped by the country’s feu-
dal system of land holding war lords called Daimyo. People in the Edo period appreciated the im-
portance of making the most of a complex terrain. Daimyo mansions were located on the best plots
of land, typically on an elevation; the parcels of land were on large, flat lots with plenty of sunshine.
Lower class warriors set their houses below the Daimyo’s establishment. As a result, there were
several scattered centers in the city.
Sacred spaces such as temples played an important role in Edo period. Temples have cultural mean-
ing as protectors of the city. They also served as entertainment spaces when large festivals came.
As more people planted roots around the temples, they were instrumental in the city’s expansion.
- Meiji Restoration to World War II
The Meiji Restoration took place between 1868 and 1912. This political movement changed Japa-
nese society in many aspects. From an institutional standpoint, the feudal system was eliminated
and leaders focused on making Japan a “modernized nation”. The original Edo city structure was
inherited and developed. But with social reform also came changes to the physical urban envi-
ronment. Original feudal characteristics of urban design were eliminated, such as the right-angled
corners and staggered rectangular strips of land, which were intended to defend against an enemy
invasion. Additionally, many Daimyo establishments were taken over by the central government
after the restoration, and converted into public facilities such as schools and government buildings.
Today, most of these original buildings from the Edo period have been either torn down or destroyed
by natural disaster and war.
As a result of the Meiji Restoration, war lord populations were stripped of their property. Shifting
social structures were also accompanied by the growth of a new modernized nation. In the early
20th Century, streets were widened, providing a better connection and communication with the city
and other parts of the nation. At the same time, the population grew and residential uses expanded.
Apart from that, public infrastructure such as offices and schools were improved, both by the reno-
vation of the old buildings or the erection of new ones. With the ongoing of Meiji Restoration, the city
modernized and continued its vitality. (Jinnai, 1995)
During this period, Japan created a centralized, bureaucratic government with a constitution estab-
lishing an elected parliament. The Meiji Period produced an advanced transport and communication
system, which served a highly educated population. Also, the government during this period encour-
aged a rapidly growing technologically advanced industrial sector as well as a powerful army and
navy.
After the Meiji Restoration, Japan experienced economic ups and downs. Government invested
heavily in industries such as shipbuilding and mining but with limited natural resources and inter-
national economic crisis in the 1930s this development was not sustainable. As a result, Japanese
international trade decreased (44% drop in imports, 47% in exports) and 823 entities declared bank-
ruptcy (Yuhui Wang, 2008). The government subsequently had low revenue and entrusted more
rights to private developers (Jinnai, 1995).
During World War II, Tokyo endured more than 100 bombing raids and suffered significant damage.
By May of 1945, approximately 51% of the city had been destroyed and around 4 million of its resi-
dents had been displaced (Karakas, 2010).
8. Meiji Shrine
https://www. bbkz.com
7. Meiji Emperor
https://www.worldhistory1500.blogspot.com
9. Painting of the Meiji parliament
https://www.factsanddetails.com/japan

- Post World War II
Post-war Tokyo began to grow rapidly. During post-war reconstruction the Ministry of City Planning
produced the “War Damage Revival Plan,” basing it on then modern city planning theories like the
Greater London plan of 1944, with its ring parks and separated uses. However, this plan largely went
unrealized. Heavy financing constraints of the time coupled with the large influx of residents from
the countryside made the federally mandated plan hard to implement at the local level. Instead what
emerged was great patchwork of organically developed neighborhoods. The government provided
infrastructure like water and sewers while private landowners were largely free to build what they felt
was necessary (Eschanove & Srivastava, 2013). Through this organic growth and certain land use
regulations, Tokyo began to develop large avenues lined with tall buildings encircling neighborhoods
low in scale with narrow alleyways that local residents established in between. Because of their
similarity to manju, a popular Japanese confection made of a smooth rice skin and filled with chunky
bean paste, areas with this typology are often referred to as “manju neighborhoods.”
At the same time, the city began to prepare for a large and very formal event: the 1964 Olympics.
For the Olympics, Japan and Tokyo began to install a range of modern infrastructure. Post-war re-
construction occurred even in the face of strict property ownership laws. Much of the aboveground
highway infrastructure was built on top of publicly held space like old canals. One of Tokyo’s most
famous historic landmarks, the Nihonbashi Bridge, currently runs underneath an expressway. Other
facilities, such as the seaport, were brought up to modern standards. Aoyama Street, being one of
the main access roads to the Outer Meiji Olympic facilities was widened and car traffic was priori-
tized over other uses.
Tokyo continued to grow rapidly in the post-Olympic Era, and the City Planning Act of 1968 was
passed to combat what was then seen as urban sprawl. The 1968 City Planning Act introduced ini-
tiatives like Urbanization Promotion Areas and Urbanization Control Areas to prevent further sprawl
and bean paste style development. A development permission system was created to ensure that
a sufficient level of infrastructure was in place on land that was developed. Critically, the 1968 plan
reduced the role of the central government and turned some of the planning power over to Japanese
prefectures and municipalities. Provisions for some public input were also included. As Aoyama
Street is a national route and is monitored by the Japanese government directly, local voices have
seldom been brought to bear on its development or use (Shapira, 1994).
The Japanese economy continued to grow rapidly until the mid-1970s, when the oil crisis and other
economic strains seen around the world came to bear. By this point, Japan had found itself a major
global economy with one of the world highest gross national products and a strong export economy
that included automobiles and electronics. However, the comparative low growth continued until the
mid-1980s (Barsky, 2011). Starting from that point Japan saw an extreme rise in asset values. By
the end of the 1980s, the Japanese Stock Market emerged as one of the world largest. By its peak
in 1989, the value of the Nikkei 225, Japan’s best-known stock market index, more than tripled from
1985 levels. Land prices grew at similarly high rates (Barsky, 2011). Due to these factors by 1991
Tokyo ranked as one of the three most integrated cities in the world economy with New York and
London (Sassen, 1991).
10. Expressway over Nihonbashi
http://www.japan-guide.com/e/e3033.html
However, this economic euphoria did not to last. By 1992, the Nikkei had fallen to less than 20%
above its 1985 levels (Barsky, 2011). By 2013, property values in Japan trended downward in 20 out
of the past 22 years (Warnock, 2013). This era after the Japanese bubble burst in the early 1990s
has been referred to as Japan’s “lost decade,” due to the fact that its economic growth rate has
trailed those of other developed nations. Deflation became a widespread concern. In an attempt to
combat these trends, the Japanese Government has spent heavily on things like infrastructure and
propping up weak banks (Hoshi, 2013). The outcome of recent political intervention in the Japanese
economy is still uncertain (“Japan stock flows inverse”, 2014).
By 2014, the Japanese government faced a debt to GDP ratio of approximately 230% (Central In-
telligence Agency [CIA], 2013). Nonetheless, Japan remains a very wealthy nation. Its economy is
still ranked as the third largest in the world by GDP (World Bank 2014); its pension funds control
$3.7 trillion USD, the world’s second-largest pool of retirement funds after the United States (War-
nock, 2013). Tokyo is still the world’s largest urban agglomeration by GDP (Istrate & Nadeau, 2014).
Private investment into Tokyo has continued. New office and residential towers continue to be built.
Omotesando Street, intersecting Aoyama Street, has seen high-end global retailers build ground up
retail development designed by some of the worlds most noted architects. Their reinforced presence
helps demonstrate that despite significant challenges, Japanese development still appears to have
significant value going forward.

A major issue Japan faces is its aging population. According to Ja-
pan’s 2010 census, the total population was 128,057,352 people,
with 48.7% male and 51.3% female. Until 2005, Japan’s population
has grown at a steady rate. However, for the first time during the
post-war period, 2005 statistics showed a negative population growth
of -0.1% (“Total Population: 1920-2012”). Since then, the population
has been somewhat in flux. From a total of 127,768,000 in 2005,
the population increased to 128,057,000 in 2010 (“Population and
Households Chapter 2”). As of 2014, Japan’s population decreased
again, amounting only to a total of 127,140,000 people (“Population
Estimates”).
According to the 2010 census, at 63.8%, the majority of Japan’s pop-
ulation is made up of the productive group or the 15 to 64 cohort (see
Appendix B). The next largest group was the elderly group or the
“65 and over” cohort which amounted to 23% of the total population.
Lastly, the children group or the 14 and under age group amounted to
13.2% of the 2010 Japanese population. Japan’s proportion of elderly
population is the largest in the world and it exceeds its population of
children by 1.7 times (“Population and Households of Japan 2010”).
Japan’s aging population also poses a heavy burden on public spend-
ing. As of August of 2013, Japan’s finance ministry released data that
showed Japan’s central government debt amounting to ¥1,008.6 tril-
lion or $10.5 trillion (Riley, 2013). Social security spending (main-
ly on pension, medical, and health care) already comprises nearly
55% of the government’s total non-interest spending, according to
Kashiwase, Kenichiro, Nozaki and Tokuoka (2014). The proportion
of elderly within the Japanese population is set to increase within the
coming years, which is likely to exacerbate this spending trend.
Aging Society
11. Elderly in Japan
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/

- Family Dynamics
One of the main contributors to Japan’s aging society is its declining fertility rate. Fertility rate is de-
fined as the rate that “represents the number of children that would be born to a woman if she were
to live to the end of her childbearing years and bear children in accordance with current age-specific
fertility rates”(XXXXX). As of 2012, Japan’s fertility rate stands at 1.4, which is well below the world
average and is one of the lowest in the whole world (“Population and Households of Japan 2010”). A
number of reasons contribute to this. Traditional family roles still persist within Japanese society and
women are still usually seen as the one taking care of children within a family. But as more and more
Japanese women are entering the work force, this dynamic has changed drastically. Despite women
now having a higher participation in employment outside of the home, they still bear the burden of
child-rearing and other reproductive roles. This has put additional stress to Japanese women. It is
also exacerbated by few employment opportunities and lack of working welfare policies that specif-
ically aid working parents and alleviate the cost and time required of raising children (Boling, 1998).
This disadvantage of women in the working environment is one of the significant factors that dis-
courage Japanese adults, especially women, to start their own families. Policy intervention has at-
tempted to alleviate the burdens of supporting a family. The “Angel Plan,” a five-year plan launched
by the Ministry of Health and Welfare (MHW) in 1994, was aimed at addressing the falling fertility
rate of Japan. Its goal was to expand the existing public daycare centers in 1994 to 3 to 7 times the
size by 1999 (Boling, 1998). But by 1996, the MHW determined that the Angel Plan was not going to
meet its goals and resorted to encouraging private, market-oriented approach to providing daycare
centers. There still lacks sufficient daycare centers as of today (Mie, 2014).
Two child-care leave laws were also enacted in 1992, “one permitting either mothers or fathers to
take up to a year’s leave of absence following their baby’s birth, the other mandating that they be
paid 25 per cent of their usual salary under the employment insurance system for the duration of the
leave” (Boling, 1998: 175). Although these laws seem to be a potential solution for working parents,
implementation has not been very successful. Private sector employers are only “encouraged” to
abide by the law due to lack of legal repercussions for non-compliance. Instead, government uses
subsidies and “administrative guidance” (information pamphlets or lectures) to pull private sector
employers into complying with these laws (Boling, 1998).
- Repercussions of Aging Society
Japan’s aging society poses a number of problems. One of the most salient is the gradual decrease
of its labor force, and consequently its tax base. Japan’s elderly population heavily relies on welfare
programs to support their daily needs. A dwindling labor force will only mean heavier financial bur-
dens for the Japanese government.
In order to provide a sustainable solution, Japan must address its fertility rates and provide for
healthy aging to diminish the cost to government in social security spending. To improve fertility
concerns, placing a greater emphasis on the considerations of working parents can resolve this
problem. Provision of more daycare centers and healthcare benefits for expecting parents can be
beneficial. Use of parental leave should also be more strongly encouraged by the government Ad-
ditionally, the built environment can provide more barrier free accessibility and encourage healthy
living through pedestrian and bike friendly streetscapes to address the issues of both aging and
dwindling fertility rates.
12. Elderly Exercising
http://www.thetelegraph.com/
13. Woman & Child Resting on a Bench

14. Artistic representation of Tokyo after an earthquake
http://www.wallpaperfocus.com/earthquake-today-pics
Disaster Planning
Japan is located at the intersection of four tectonic plates called the
“Pacific Ring of Fire.” This area is particularly prone to natural disasters
including earthquakes and tsunamis. According to the U.S. Geological
Survey (USGS), the Pacific Ring of Fire is the location of about 90% of
earthquakes (Kious & Robert, 1994). Japan is usually in the trajectory
of tropical storms. These geographical characteristics and “more than
average” exposure to natural disasters has motivated Japan to become
at the forefront of the world’s disaster planning efforts. Tokyo has ex-
perienced a number of natural disasters, its two most significant were
in 1923 and 2011. In 1923 the Great Kanto Earthquake registered at a
magnitude 7.9 and struck in the middle of the day when many people
where home cooking lunch. As a result, fires started throughout the city,
razing entire neighborhoods. The final death toll neared 100,000 and
the city suffered massive structural damage. Sixty percent of Tokyo’s
population was left homeless and around 90% of homes in Yokohama
were damaged or destroyed (Hammer, 2011). The earthquake served
as a precursor to modern planning in Japan. Since 1923, government
has instituted a number of building regulations to improve vulnerable
areas. When the Tohoku Earthquake hit in March 2011, the region was
more prepared. The earthquake was recorded at a magnitude of 9, the
strongest earthquake in Japanese history. According to the Japanese
Cabinet Office, the earthquake caused around ¥16.9 trillion or $220 bil-
lion in damages. It is considered as the world’s most expensive disaster
to date (“Counting the Cost”, 2011). A series of tsunamis also hit Ja-
pan leading to the famous Fukushima Meltdown disaster at the nuclear
plant just over 200 kilometers from Tokyo. Fukushima’s meltdown was
recorded to have a rating 7 on the International Nuclear Event Scale,
which is on the same level as the Chernobyl incident (“Nuclear Energy
in America” 2013). There were a total of 15,000 casualties with only
seven in Tokyo core. While this was still a devastating event, the city
demonstrated progress in disaster preparedness.
15. Map Showing Pacific Ring of Fire
Image Source: ???

The Disaster Management Council predicts that in the next 30 years a “Tokyo Inland Quake” will hit
with a 70% chance of reaching a magnitude 7 on the seismic scale (Jiji, 2013). Map 16 shows the
most vulnerable areas in the 23 wards. Aoyama has a low vulnerability rating as it is elevated on a
hill and has mostly fireproof non-wooden structures.
As Aoyama Street is considered to be relatively safe, people flock to the area in case of disaster.
In March 2011, many people walked, biked and drove on Aoyama Street to return to their suburban
homes from Tokyo core following the earthquake. Adding to Aoyama’s importance as an evacuation
area is the services and open spaces. With a number of public facilities such as schools and hospi-
tals in the area, Aoyama is relied upon as a relatively safe zone during natural disaster (see maps
18-21).
16. Disaster Vulnerability Levels of Tokyo’s 23 Wards
(Red Areas Being the Most Vulnerable)
Tokyo Metropolitan Govrnment Disaster Prevention Measures Pamphlet
17. Concentrations of Wooden Houses in Tokyo’s 23 Wards
Tokyo Metropolitan Govrnment Disaster Prevention Measures Pamphlet
18. Possible Evacuation Shelters Around Aoyama St.
(Schools, Public Buildings etc.)
Google Earth Screenshot & Google Maps Locators
20. Evacuation Zones Around Aoyama St.
(Parks, Cemetery, School Playgrounds etc.)
19. Hospitals Around Aoyama St.
21. Emergency Roads

2020 Olympics
- Background
Tokyo was selected to host the Olympics in 1940, an opportunity for the
country to use the games to push nationalistic ideals and commemorate
the 2600th year since Kigen, the ascension of Jimmu (the first emperor of
Japan according to the historic archives). Due to World War II, the Games
were cancelled. In the process of planning for the 1940 Olympics, there
was a debate over the ideal location for the Olympic stadium. The Meiji
shrine was favored over the Outer Gardens because of the site’s unique
Japanese symbolism; this site was dedicated to the Meiji Emperor who
opened the Empire to Western Civilization (Collins, 2007).
- 1964: Tokyo Olympics
Tokyo saw the 1964 Olympics as an opportunity to introduce the world
to the Japanese culture and innovation (Collins, 2007). The 1964 Olym-
pics sparked the beginnings of a strong and vigorous economy. At the
time, the building costs for the Games were around ¥30 billion, but in-
cluding infrastructure construction such as highways, water and sewage,
it amounted to ¥960 billion (Hasegawa, 2013). The infrastructure for the
Olympics drove Japan into modernity: the bullet-train, highways, mono-
rail connecting the inner city with the airport, NHK broadcasting center in
Shibuya, renovation of canalization systems all were implemented prior to
the games. Essentially, Japanese officials wanted to show the world that
Japan had more to offer than its cherry blossoms and geishas (Collins,
2007); the goal was to show the world that Japan was revitalized after the
war and ready to connect with the western world (Collins, 2007).
The 1964 Games’ biggest attraction was the Yoyogi stadium designed by
the famous Japanese architect Kenzo Tange. After the Olympics, the area
surrounding the Yoyogi stadium (Shibuya & Harujuku ) gained popularity.
The stadiums and the NHK broadcasting center in Shibuya brought in a
lot of international visitors that attracted the youth. After the Olympics, the
city made zoning changes and more stores started to pop up in the area.
Tokyo’s history as an Olympic host city contributes to its current prepara-
tions for the 2020 Olympic Games. Given that the 1964 Olympics initiated
Japan’s era of rapid economic growth, the 2020 Olympics is expected
to revitalize the city and lift Japan out of the dark clouds of the Fukushi-
ma disaster of 2011. In addition, the government is counting on a signif-
icant economic boost. The Olympic Games are attractive to businesses
and governments at the local and national level because they expect in-
creased economic benefits from tourism, construction investments and
additional tax revenues generated. Additionally, Tokyo hopes to see the
city’s physical infrastructure upgraded and earthquake-resistant, enhanc-
ing its global image (“Tokyo Vision 2020 Overview”).
22. 1964 Olympics
http://www.tokito-double.blog.ocn.ne.jp

23. Olympic Site Venues (all within a 5 mile radius)
Data Source: tokyo2020.jp
24. Zaha Hadid’s Design for the 2020 Olympics National Stadium
http://www.bilginiz.biz
During the host city selection process, Tokyo’s bid was based on an efficient strategy of adapting,
renovating and re-using numerous stadiums from the 1964 Olympic Games. Tokyo described as a
“safe pair of hands” for the Olympics. Setting itself apart, Tokyo’s bid emphasized the infrastructure
they already had rather than the promise of grand futuristic mega structures.
The master plan for the 2020 Olympic Games will be located mainly at the city’s waterfront. Twen-
ty-eight of 37 venues will be located within an eight-kilometer radius of the Olympic Village, thus
minimizing travel and the environmental footprint. Fifteen of the 37 competition venues will be ex-
isting buildings (see map 23). Additionally, all venues are to be built or renovated according to
strict green building guidelines. The Olympic Village will also include a few sustainable temporary
venues that can be easily dismantled after the games are complete. Aside from the sports facilities,
the village will also include facilities such as hotels, broadcast centers and a hospitality center. The
Olympic Village complex, which will be located in the middle of two main competition zones, will
consist of luxury apartments. It will comprise 10,860 residential units spread across about two dozen
buildings, along with training gyms, dining halls, seaside restaurants and parks.
Tokyo’s successful bid to host the 2020 Olympics could have an economic impact of about ¥3 trillion
($29.7 billion) over several years, creating about 150,000 jobs. But that is not much of a boost to
annual gross domestic product. Some researchers have noted that the impact is likely to be broad
and spread thinly over several sectors, and brings risks related to deficit spending. The ¥3 trillion
economic impact is a figure from August 2012, released by Tokyo’s official Olympic committee. It
seems like a substantial impact, but when spread evenly, the effects would come to ¥432 billion per
year, or roughly less than 0.1% of GDP.
The games could cost Tokyo $5 to $6 billion, excluding the typical Olympic budget overruns (Read,
2013). That means the Olympics could also exacerbate the government’s long-term public debt
problems. Paying for Olympics is often a challenge. Governments often take significant debt in
trying to build Olympic facilities. Efforts to work with the private sector and mitigate this have been
explored in the past. Simon Somerville of the Jupiter Japan Income Fund stated “The Olympic bid
decision will, in my view, also give increased force to prime-minister Abe’s third-arrow reform policy
and further drive his initiatives for PFI (private finance initiative) and PPP (public-private partnership)
funding” (CITATION). Indeed, The Olympic Village will be constructed by private businesses, which
will bear the maintenance and management costs until it is handed over to the Tokyo Organizing
Committee for the Olympic Games (Read, 2013). This follows the successful example of Atlanta,
where the Olympic Village was built on the Georgia Tech campus and partially paid for by the Uni-
versity. The Olympics may provide many additional opportunities for joint facilities.
If Tokyo is successful in funding this effort, it will host an environmentally conscious Olympic games
that will provide rejuvenated infrastructure to the city. In planning for this global attention, Tokyo
Metropolitan Government has embarked on a “Vision 2020” plan that will incorporate some of the
city’s much needed infrastructural upgrades along with zoning and regulation plans to stimulate
international competition image (“Tokyo Vision 2020 Overview”). One such example is the Asian
Headquarter Zones, which is an initiative of the national government, but being planned at the local
level by the metropolitan government.

1. Residential: Certain types of stores and offices up to 3000m
Quasi-Residential: To ensure harmony with housing and motor-vehicle
related facilities, etc. by a roadside
Neighborhood Commercial: To situate stores for the residents in the
neighborhood (Theaters and Dance halls prohibited)
Commercial: To facilities the commercial and other business activities
2. Residential: To protect mainly a residential environment
2. Mid/High Rise Oriented Residential: Stores and offices up to 1500m
1. Mid/High Rise Oriented Residential: Stores and offices up to 500m
2. Low-Rise Residential: Max height 10m, Small store and office up to 150m
Quasi-Industrial: Intermingling of housing with small & safe factories
Industrial: Industrial function
Exclusively Industrial: To formulate large-scale industrial area ( no housing )
1. Low-Rise Residential: Max height 10m, Small store and office up to 50m2
2
2
2
2
Zoning and Land Use
In Tokyo, zoning regulations exist to prevent problems that would be caused by mixing uses and
promote an area that is in sync with the characteristics of the urban area (“Urban planning system
in Japan”, 2007). The zoning regulations enforce certain guidelines to ensure proper density of
residential, commercial, industrial and other uses that are aligned with the future plans of the whole
city. Zoning also covers the use, density, height and shape of buildings in urban areas and ensures
impartiality so that any land with the same conditions or characteristics would be designated to the
same category restriction. However zoning is a complex system in Tokyo, which urbanized and grew
rapidly during post-war, and often with little order for land use (“Urban Planning System in Japan”,
2007).
In Tokyo, nine zoning categories exist. Residential zoning is split into seven categories: low rise res-
idential including stores and offices of differing volumes (50 m2, 150m2); mid and high rise oriented
residential including stores and offices of differing volumes (500 m2, 1500m2); and residential with
certain types of stores and offices up to 3000 m2 and residential to protect a mainly residential en-
vironment. There is also a “quasi-residential” zoning that ensures harmony with housing and motor
vehicle related facilities. There are two commercial zonings: neighborhood commercial that situates
stores for the residents in the neighborhood and commercial that facilitates the commercial and oth-
er business activities. Finally, three types of industrial zoning exist: quasi-industrial for intermingling
housing with small and safe factories, industrial function and exclusively industrial, which formulates
large-scale industrial areas without housing.
- Aoyama Street Zoning and Special Zoning
Aoyama Street is designated as a commercial zone (in red in map 25). The area is used for com-
mercial and business activities, and the surrounding areas are designated residential. Aoyama is
also close to Shibuya station and Roppongi, which have recently been designated as Special Zones
to boost International Competitiveness as part of the Tokyo Asian Headquarters project. To attract
foreign business, the Special Zone will be deregulated, have preferential tax treatments and provide
business support (“Tokyo Special Zone for Asian Headquarters”, 2013). Additionally, emphasis will
be placed on creating an environment where foreign families can live similar to their home countries.
This effort to support international business competitiveness will extend the service of a “living envi-
ronment concierge” to provide consultations to foreign residents. The metro area will also introduce
hospitals with staff that can speak foreign languages and schools with classes in foreign languages.
The goal is to establish 50 or more foreign company Asian Headquarters or research and develop-
ment centers in Tokyo by 2016.
26. Zoning Diagram
Data Source: Japan International Cooperation Agency
25. Land use map of the Area Around Shibuya Station (Southern End of Aoyama St)
http://www.tokyo.parallellt.se

Housing
Housing in Tokyo has gone through a number of phases in the post-war period. In the 1960s and
70s the city was mostly low-rise wooden apartments in poor repair. In 1970 a major policy was
introduced that changed the way people conceived of housing. After the 1973 oil crisis caused an
economic downturn, the government encouraged growth of the construction industry. Construction
during this period took many forms, including the development of suburban public housing for the
“salaried man,” leading to increasing urban sprawl away from Tokyo’s overcrowded core. By the
1980s land in Tokyo was extremely expensive and real estate was flooded with investment. Afford-
ability became a major problem at this time. In the 1990s the economic bubble burst and land values
deflated, causing negative outcomes for younger generations who faced employment issues. Urban
regeneration projects were started in the 2000s as the economy began to pick up (Waswo, 1996).
In addition to policy and land value, housing has evolved as a result of updated building code, often
following natural disaster. In 1924 after the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923, regulations of beam
thickness and reinforced concrete in buildings increased the safety of new construction. In 1981,
a major change to the buildings standards act followed the 1978 Miyaagi Earthquake, which regis-
tered a 7.4 magnitude. This new regulation affected housing values, and many people weighed the
cost of a post-1981 construction against the safety concerns of a pre-1981 building (“Earthquake
Building Codes in Japan”, 2014).
Historically, traditional Japanese culture has encouraged intergenerational housing arrangements
(Izuhara & Forrest, 2011). During post-war, as the country underwent massive economic growth,
the housing market changed in a number of ways. Tokyo went from a housing shortage to an era of
urban sprawl during post-war, and in recent years to an increase in high-rise living as cultural ideas
have shifted (Izuhara & Forrest, 2011).
Family dynamics and land values were important factors in the shifting housing system. In post-war
Tokyo, the renting market continuously expanded and ownership rates have been approximately
10% lower in Tokyo than Japan. While this is a choice for some, the cost OF property has left many
with no other viable option (Waswo, 1996). Additionally, there is a relatively high proportion of single
person households with 40% of households in Tokyo and 25% in Japan being single-person house-
holds. In Japan home ownership is strongly correlated to marriage, and institutional restrictions on
loans reinforce this.
Additionally, a particularity of the Japanese housing system is that it provides housing options for
people with varying incomes. For example, Urban Renaissance Housing Corporation (originally the
Japan Housing Corporation) is a bureaucratic semi-public and provides residences at a local level.
The federal government provides the land as well as subsidies. In this “public housing” system, rents
are pegged to market rates and anyone can apply. Traditionally, families were given preference, but
more recently, UR residences include studio apartments or units with office space. Advantages for
public housing tenants include open-ended rental agreements without a fee for renewing contracts
or a guarantor in case of delinquency. These factors make public housing attractive to many Japa-
nese people, and there has been a long waiting list for tenants as a result (Brasor & Tsubuku, 2011).
27. Single Family House
28. High Rise Apartment Building on
Aoyama St.
29. Tokyo’s Household Density
Data Source: Japanese Statistics Bureau

30. Average Land Value Distribution
Data Source: Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism
- Housing and Aoyama Street
According to the 2008 Housing and Land Survey Report, 44.5% of housing is owned in the combined
municipalities of Minato and Shibuya while the other 55.4% are rented. In Aoyama’s surrounding
wards, Minato and Shibuya, the vast majority (85.7%) of housing is apartments. Detached houses
are a distant second at 11.2% of the combined area, making up a somewhat significantly larger por-
tion of housing stock in Shibuya-ku (14.2%).
While traditional houses were made mainly of wood, the city’s history of fire damage following nat-
ural disaster has had a clear impact on building structure. In 2008, non-wooden buildings made up
an average 85.1% of the housing stock in Minato and Shibuya. As a more residential area of the city
with more detached houses, Shibuya predictably also offers a higher percentage of wooden struc-
tures (21.6%) than Minato (8.2%).
- Housing and Aging
Housing presents an important issue, which must be addressed with consideration of its cultural
implications as well as urban planning’s practical considerations. The issue of providing housing for
the elderly has many cultural implications. In traditional Japanese society, younger generations are
typically responsible for the care of their elders, often leading to cohabitation of a number of gener-
ations.
While Japan’s rapid growth following the opening of its economy internationally, many traditions
have changed, resulting in more elderly living without family members. As the elder generation ad-
vances in age, their housing needs change. Simultaneously, the supply of housing is also shifting.
In 2008, the Japanese census reported that at 11.1%, Tokyo has its highest ratio of vacant housing
to number of households since recorded 1950. This rate is predicted to continue to steadily increase
in upcoming years as the population is expected to decrease significantly given low birth rates and
a disproportionate number of elderly (Housing and Land Survey Report 2008). A plan to mitigate
the housing issue could be to place an emphasis on housing built specifically for the needs of the
elderly.
31. Map of Tokyo Population Over 65 (by Ward)
Data From: Japanese Statistics Bureau

Transportation
Transportation
Tokyo’s transportation system is modern yet still ex-
panding public transit network. It consists of many well
established and regularly used modes of transit includ-
ing the commuter rail, subway and a system of high-
ways and roads.
- Commuter Rail
Tokyo’s Commuter rail system is usually separated into
two categories: The private operators and operators
descended from former Japanese National Railway.
The Japanese National Railway was formed during the
post-war occupation and was a nationalized corpora-
tion. Under their watch, development of much of the
Japanese rail system including bullet trains (Shinkan-
sen) took place. By the 1980s, it had run up extremely
heavy debt levels and was dissolved by the Japanese
Diet in 1987 (Kasai, 2003). In its place were seven com-
panies were formed under the JR Group and a long pro-
cess of privatization was begun. JR East is the primary
JR Rail company in Tokyo. It operates 6.5 kilometers
of rail track and serves much of northern Honshu. Its
extended region has an annual ridership of over six mil-
lion passengers. Within Tokyo itself, it operates sever-
al lines including the core-defining Yamanote Line (JR
East, 2014). JR East has been listed on Japanese stock
exchanges since 1997 (JR East, 2014).
Tokyo also has seven private commuter rail companies.
As opposed to the JR lines, these firms did not start
out as government entities (though their operations are
highly regulated) and are diversified private companies.
The firms also often operate large department stores
to attract shoppers to the rails. These companies also
operate businesses complementary to rail use including
residential developments and hotels.
32. Inauguration of Shinkansen
The Japan Times

33. Map of Subway Lines & Stations Along Aoyama street 34. Subway stations and ridership near Aoyama
Data Source:Tokyo Metro & toei
The Shibuya rail terminus serves Aoyama Street. Three separate rail companies (Keio Corporation;
Tokyu Corporation; JR East) as well as subway lines intersect and account for on average 1.4 million
daily riders The station and its facilities are jointly owned and operated by its commuter rail and sub-
way companies. The rail operators, in conjunction with their business orientation have built a range
of stores and offices in the area to serve these passengers. Shibuya has also been designated as
an area for redevelopment by the city of Tokyo. As such, the rail operators have all proposed or are
building new facilities here.
- Subway
Tokyo’s subway system began in 1927 with the opening of the first section of the Ginza Line. Since
then, the subway system has emerged as the busiest in the world, with daily average ridership of
8.81 million spread over two separately run systems. Toei accounts for 2.37 million while Tokyo
Metro averages 6.44 million daily (Subway Daily Passenger Counts, Like the JR Lines, Tokyo Met-
ro Co., Ltd., and has been privatized. Though governmental agents currently own Tokyo Metro’s
shares, it too looks at ways at diversifying and building revenue. Famously, Tokyo Metro has devel-
oped “Echita” underground shopping areas that often require paying subway fare to access (Tokyo
Metro, 2014).
Two subway lines run under Aoyama Street, the Ginza and Hanzomon lines. They serve our study
area at three stations: Omotesando recorded a 150,569 daily ridership in 2012, while GaienMae had
a 75,377 daily ridership and Aoyama Ichome had a 172,189 daily ridership the same year (Tokyo
Metro, 2014; Toei, 2014). (see map 34 of daily ridership near Aoyama Street).
- Highways and Roads
Currently the Nippon East Expressway Company (NEXCO) and the Metropolitan Expressway Co.,
Ltd. handle all building and planning of highways in the Kanto region (Shutoko). These companies
have also been privatized and currently get their revenue primarily through tolls. Shares of both
companies are still held by entirely by the Japanese government.
Aoyama Street is part of national route 246. Route 246 runs from Chiyoa ward in Tokyo to Numazu
in Shizuoka prefectures. As a national route it is still maintained and operated by the Ministry of Land
Infrastructure Transportation and Tourism (MLITT). Its continued role as a national route under fed-
eral purview is in stark contrast to the privatization and localization seen in other areas.

Historic Preservation
In Tokyo preserving and maintaining cultural heritage has been
a particularly difficult exercise due to natural disasters and the
intensity of growth and modernization during the post-war pe-
riod. As a result, many important historic sites that serve as
major tourist attractions today are heavily renovated or rebuilt.
To the right is an image of the Meiji Shrine (see image 35).
- Historic Preservation and Aoyama Street
There are a number of cultural properties near Aoyama Street.
These are sites that will continue to be preserved and protect-
ed by the government, though they are not currently major tour-
ist attractions. Aoyama Gakuin University is host to two cultural
properties and the nearby Meiji Shrine was a central tourist
attraction to the 1964 Olympics. Today the Meiji Memorial Kai
Kan is a designated national treasure, serving as the central
facility of the outer gardens of the Meiji shrine (“Cultural Heri-
tage”, 2014).
Near the Jingu Gaien stadium is a “Fuchi District” established
in 1926, which is roughly a landscape preservation area. As
such, to protect Meiji Emperor related facilities construction re-
quires a special application to modify buildings inside the area
with height restrictions (“Minato City Preservation of Cultural
Properties”, 2013).
Though a number of landmarks including shrines and temples
exist in Tokyo today, they are mostly refurbished and rebuilt.
Because original historic buildings have not been well pre-
served, another element of historic preservation in Tokyo that
can be emphasized is historical streetscape and city design.
This city design, which originated in the Edo period, has been
maintained and is one of the lasting traditional aspects of Tokyo
(Morokuma, 2007). The original structure of the road system
came from its original design around natural elements includ-
ing the adjacent bay and nearby mountains. Historically, the
road system developed based on topography and the built en-
vironment centered on feudal mansions. Upon the introduction
of this road system, Aoyama Street became an arterial road
connecting parts of Tokyo core.
35. Museum Near the National Stadium

In Japan, the Agency of Cultural Affairs is responsible for the
protection of cultural properties. The national government se-
lects and names or “designates” the most significant cultural
properties and enforces restrictions on alterations, repairs and
export. Preservation, disaster protection work and acquisition
measures are taken for tangible cultural properties such as
buildings, art works and crafts. Subsidies for training programs
for successors to intangible cultural properties, including per-
forming arts, craft techniques, manners and customs, are pro-
vided by the government.
Tangible cultural properties, tangible folk cultural properties
and monuments can also be “registered” voluntarily by their
owner rather than designated by the government. This pro-
vides them a less restrictive set of protective measures. This
regulation typically applies to modern period where protection
is seen to be increasingly necessary because of recent trends
in land development and lifestyle changes.
- Bureaucracy and Preservation:
The Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Tech-
nology is responsible for the designation, selection and reg-
istration of cultural properties. The Council for Cultural Affairs
submits reports based on ministerial inquiry.
- Historic Preservation and Olympics:
Efforts have been made to preserve the Tokyo 1964 heritage.
The Olympic Cauldron and Gold Medalists Plaque are pieces
from the national stadium that will be preserved. First the caul-
dron will travel to different cities to gain attention for the 2020
games, then it will be installed in the new stadium with the gold
medalists plaque. This is a way of preserving the spirit of the
1964 national stadium (Osborne, 2013).
36. Meiji shrine
http://www.intwohours.com

Urban Design
Tokyo is host to many impressive works of urban design. Hav-
ing been conducted mostly by architects, concepts of urban
design in Tokyo are often generated from an extension of the
surrounding architecture. Due to the city’s high density, de-
sign aims to fully utilize vertical urban space. Vertical space
such as vertical gardens and roof plazas are commonly found
throughout the city (see image 38).
In recent years the national and local governments have been
trying to promote urban design regulations. In the 1990s the
Ginza Street Association, an alliance of shops along Ginza
Street, began to lobby the Chuo Ward administration, City
of Tokyo and the Construction Ministry Street Association to
amend the district planning of the area. This resulted in the
Construction Ministry establishing “Ginza Rules” in negotia-
tion with Chuo Ward. At that time large-scale developments
were about to begin building skyscrapers in the area. People
felt high buildings in this central area were out of context, but
development proceeded as an Act on Special Measures was
established in 2001 by the National Government aimed at
urban renewal. If a project was proposed based on this act,
and it was located in certain areas that were designated as
“special areas,” it could gain exemption from the area’s rules.
In turn, “Ginza Rule” specified that its rules did not apply to
projects in special areas and set the maximum building height
along Ginza Street to 56 meters (66 meters including rooftop
structures) (“Ginza History”, n.d.).
37. Ginza Street
38. Green Roof Design, Tokyo Plaza
Hiroshi Nakamura & NAP Co. Ltd inhabitat.com

Because of limited space in Tokyo, people try to maximize their own small private spaces that con-
tribute to the urban landscape. This cartoon (see image 39) presents an ordinary street corner in
Tokyo, depicting the popularity of residents’ private street gardens. Residents create tiny gardens
around their homes, which add a green view to Tokyo’s streets (see image 41).
Urban design in Japan attempts to integrate outside with inside, introducing the environment into the
building and respecting the natural features in the surrounding area. The architecture and design
aspects of Omotesando’s “Gyre” building by MVRDV creates terraces that contain greenery on each
floor where people can go naturally from indoor to outdoor spaces. Also there is a small, furnished
plaza in front of the building, creating a place where people can stay and rest. The building has an
entrance on the second level, which can be easily accessed through the overpass by the public.
In Tokyu Plaza Omotesando Project, the large staircase at the main entrance invites people into the
building, connecting inner and outer space. The building also has a rooftop garden that is visible
from the street to attract people. Omotesando Hills Project tries to respect the natural features in
the surrounding area by restricting the building’s height according to the canopy of Zelkova Trees, a
main part of the streets visible identity and urban design.
40. Vertical Garden in Shinjuku
http://www.Tokyo-diy-gardening.org
41. Example of Private Front-Door Landscaping in Tokyo
http://www.Tokyo-diy-gardening.org
39. Illustration of Street Greenery in Tokyo
http://www.rmda.deviantart.com
42. Tokyu Plaza, Omotessando Street
Image Source:

The Planning Issue
43. View of a Pedestrian Over Pass on Aoyama St.

Hulic Co., Ltd. is a real estate developer based in Tokyo. Their core operation is a leasing business
centered on office buildings. Despite setbacks like the 2008 financial crisis and 2011 earthquake,
Hulic has managed to consistently increase revenue. Their current motto is: “Closer to the station.
Closer to the future”. Starting in 2014, they have increased focus on public-private partnership op-
portunities and are looking for development opportunities with public entities.
Hulic is interested in development on Aoyama Street as well as using it as a microcosm for develop-
ment in Tokyo. As a major arterial road in Tokyo core, Aoyama Street possesses many of the urban,
social and spatial attributes that will be important to Hulic when considering development in various
parts of the city. (Hulic Co., Ltd., 2014).
Our Client
We were tasked with analyzing the urban conditions in Tokyo and with identifying issues and oppor-
tunities for intervention through public-private partnership. Hulic also anticipates the implementation
of improvements to the urban landscape through site redevelopment.
As such, this studio was asked to identify three sites along Aoyama Street that could serve as op-
portunities for applying the recommendations we will set forth in this report.
Our Task
44. Meeting with Hulic at their Headquarters in Tokyo 45. Group Picture Outside HULIC’s Offices

46. Bus station post-disaster
The Huffington Post
The urban planning challenge for Aoyama Street is to make recommendations to serve the interest
of the client and the government’s goals, keeping in mind the aging population, natural disaster
vulnerabilities and the 2020 Olympics. These considerations will require infrastructural upgrades,
improved design and regulation. The Japanese government’s relationship with the private sector
has always been more blurred than in the North American context. Public-private partnership, as a
result, has become an increasingly popular mechanism the government has turned to during times
of financial trouble.
Aging Society, Disaster Plannig, 2020 Olympics
Public Private PartnershipsElements of the Planning Issue
- Public-Private Partnerships and Private Financing Initiatives
For the purposes of this report, public-private partnership (PPP) is understood as an arrangement
where a government function or private business venture are funded through a partnership of the
public and private sector companies. A private finance initiative (PFI) is a typical type of PPP in
which private capital is used and arranged for development of public infrastructure. Public-private
partnerships and private financing initiatives are often seen as a way of building public facilities with-
out the use of taxpayer money or public debt.
- PPP and Tokyo
In a 2011 brochure published by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government’s Bureau of Urban Develop-
ment titled Urban Development in Tokyo, the government laid out a range of objectives that the bu-
reau felt were important in order to create an attractive and profitable environmentally conscious city
that could serve as a model for the rest of the world. These include development of urban infrastruc-
ture; a safe built environment which includes improvements of neighborhoods with dense wooden
housing as well as the promotion of disaster reduction and better living conditions, particularly for an
aging society with fewer children. To achieve these objectives, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government
repeatedly states they will be looking to develop the city’s core through the collaboration of the pub-
lic and private sectors.
Furthermore, since taking office in 2012, the current government has been looking to triple the size
of PFI and PPP projects to ¥12 trillion over the coming 10 years as part of its growth strategy (Jiji,
2013). This is in part a reaction to the heavy debt burden currently maintained by the Japanese
Government. A report issued in January 2014 by the Nomura Foundation stated the national debt
today is even more serious than in 1996. Many researchers conclude that the fiscal situation in Ja-
pan is not sustainable (Hoshi, 2013). For much of the 1990s, public works spending made up most
of the increase of government expenditures, meaning a lot of capital flowed to roads and airports,
for example (Hoshi, 2013). However, as Nagata reported in the Japan times in 2013, things have
changed and “the government no longer has abundant funds to carry out project after project,” Ya-
suaki Kodama, the deputy director of the current Cabinet’s PFI Promotion Division, told the Japan
Times. Nagata’s article reported one official stated, “We can’t [sic] really (build and maintain) public
works in the traditional manner.”
50. Hulic (PPP) - Community square
Hulic Website
49. Minato Ward Representatives48. Percentage of Children in Various countries
Nobutaka Fukuda
47. Special Zones for Asian HQ Map
Data Source:The Japan Times

- PPP and Aoyama Street
In 2010, The Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Tourism (MLIT), the national governing body that
maintains Aoyama Street, released a report titled The Growth Strategy of MLIT. In it they detail their
interest in promoting PPP and PFI models, stating the country must attempt to dramatically increase
its use of private sector creativity and ingenuity through PPP and PFI. Japan believes this in this
way, private sector investment could alleviate pressure on government for public works spending,
development and maintenance of social capital.
Additionally, the MLIT states that the government should encourage the deregulation as well as
enabling regions, cities and towns to involve the private sector in local affairs to help in an effort to
make regions more independent and endogenous. The ministry believes public works projects have
been overused to rejuvenate the potential of certain areas (MLIT, 2010).
Roads are considered key opportunities for PPP / PFI, and the MLIT invites proposals from local
governments and corporations to use roads for the formation and implementation of projects. To do
this, the MLIT states they want to create new business opportunities by opening road space. In order
to do this, they intend to ease regulation of the system of highway joint development and occupation
of roadways (MLIT, 2010).
- Tokyo Case study: Minami Aoyama Ichome Housing
Complex
Located next to the Aoyama Ichome subway station in
the Minato Ward, the reconstruction of the Minami Aoy-
ama Ichome Housing Complex was one of the first PPP
of its kind undertaken in the area. Before construction
of the current facilities, the site had already been the
location of government funded metropolitan housing.
To redevelop the site, Tokyo Metropolitan government
partnered with Mitsui Fudosan, one of Japans largest
developers. The city leased the site to Mitsui Fudosan
for a period of 70 years and allowed the developer to
construct two buildings: a 46 story tower north tower
with commercial and residential rental units, and a 14
story south tower with public housing and other com-
munity amenities.
Tokyo Metropolitan Government stated it had the following goals for this project:
“To encourage people to reside in the city center; to cope with declining birthrates and an aging
population and to support a diversity of urban activity. Based on these concepts, in addition to met-
ropolitan housing facilities, private housing for rent, a municipal day care center and library, a group
home, a graduate school for medical care and welfare, and commercial and business facilities were
constructed” (“Urban Development”, 2011: 6).
All financing was handled by Mitsui Fudosan, in exchange for building public was able to build a
large tower on metropolitan government land. This project was completed in 2007.
- Tokyo Case Study – Subway entrances
The Tokyo rail system, including its Metro and commuter rail systems, is the most used system in
the world. It is used to such a degree that Tokyo’s Metropolitan Government describes its “railway
stations and supporting areas (as) community centers” (“Urban Development”, 2011: 13). Nonethe-
less, they identify the slow development of barrier free facilities and lack of open space in front of the
stations as issues that need to be dealt with in order to keep Tokyo’s station areas vibrant (“Urban
Development”, 2011).
51. Minami Housing Complex
http://www.realestate-tokyo.com
52. Subway Entrance on Aoyama Street

PPP – Concerns from the American Front.
In Japan, the relationship between public and private can be different than that of the United States.
For example, private companies often provide social services to their employees, including housing.
Construction terms and building heights for new structures are often determined on a negotiation
basis after building applications have been submitted. Nonetheless, in both Japan and the United
States, public-private partnerships enjoy widespread popularity. They are often seen as a way to
transfer risk, expense, efficiencies and know-how from the cash strapped, bureaucratic public sector
to the efficient and innovative private sector. While some projects have been seen as great success-
es, many concerns about public-private partnership linger (Bloomfield, 2006). The concerns people
have about public-private partnerships change depending the project. Some concerns that in the
United States would bear consideration include transparency and control of space.
- Transparency:
Concerns are often raised that many aspects of public-private partnerships are unclear. Pamela
Bloomfield, an expert in the field, wrote that while long-term public-private partnerships theoretically
“promote accountability through transparent procurement procedures and written contracts to which
the public has full access,” the information citizens receive regarding the budgetary implications of
major public construction projects is often inadequate, inaccurate, or misleading.” This has been
seen as particularly acute in cases where innovative financing has been implemented. Concerns
are often raised that even though infrastructure and public works have financing arranged by the
private sector, these arrangements often leave the public with significant financial commitments that
are not generally understood. Governments can often enter into public-private partnerships without
having to obtain voter approval, comply with statutory debt limitations, or report the long-term lease
obligations as debt. “Although the ability to bypass the public appropriation process through innova-
tive “off-budget” or “off-balance-sheet” financing methods is often regarded as a major advantage
of public-private partnerships, it should be recognized that avoiding restrictions on debt is not the
same as avoiding debt. (Bloomfield 2006)
Promised cost savings to the public often do not bear out. Arrangements are often made that leave
the public as a significant bearer of financial risk. Public official have also used public-private part-
nerships as vehicles for cash loans paid back through concessions that could have been more
cheaply financed through traditional methods. Noting this concern, the MLIT wrote that “Considering
the public nature of targeted areas, it is necessary to ensure a high degree of transparency in all
procedures related to the PPP / PFI system.” (MLIT 4-6) As such, best practices in keeping any and
all PPP and PFI programs transparent should have details, like financing mechanisms, be made
readily available.
- Control of Space:
There are concerns that as public spaces are increasingly provided by private owners, that the
traditional roles that public squares, sidewalks and other taxpayer maintained facilities have played
will be threatened. In her book on the topic, Brave New Neighborhoods: The Privatization of Public
Space, Margaret Kohn uses the example of a person who was kicked out of a shopping mall for
wearing a shirt with a peace sign to illuminate broader concerns:
“When private spaces replace public gathering places, the opportunities for political conversation
are diminished. Ironically, just as new malls are increasingly designed to recreate the atmosphere of
old-fashioned downtowns, they are restricting the civic, political, and religious activity that gave city
centers their dynamism and variety.” (Bloomfield, 2006: 403)
The relevance of these concerns within the Japanese context may not be one to one. For instance,
The American Constitution protects rights to assembly and speech for American Citizens. The
forms of public expression that are allowed in the” public gathering places” may be prevented in the
private spaces. In Japan, as opposed to the United States, protests in the public sphere require
permits from the police. The application of laws concerning public expression may not be applied in
the same way, therefore the concerns as to the role being played by the private sector in controlling
public space may also not be the same.
Furthermore Japan has a long history of corporations providing tending to the larger welfare of
their employees and those related. These services have included housing, childcare, retirement
housing, healthcare and even funeral services for the employee’s family. These services were also
sometimes distributed to non-employees. While in recent years this has been changing, Japanese
people may still be used to or even expect corporations to play the role of good corporate citizen.
The cynicism and concern of the American context cannot be fully installed here. Hopefully through
transparency of relationships and clear use policies for privately owned public space, Hulic can han-
dle these questions effectively as Japanese society transitions.

53. Diagram Showing Interests of Various Parties Invlolved
Our Approach
Given the planning context and history of Tokyo, we attempted to reconcile our client’s interest with
our role as consultants and urban planners, as shown in the diagram (see image 53). As Hulic’s
interests are development, public image and relationship with the government and the government
is interested in financing public infrastructure projects (specifically considering the issues of aging,
natural disaster and the Olympics relevant to Tokyo’s future), these groups have something in com-
mon. The shared interest is the “users,” whose interests the government represents and the private
company profits from.
Based on observations, this studio identified many groups of users on Aoyama Street. People come
to Aoyama for many things, like business, sports, transit, shopping and school. Specific user types
are identified in Figure x. In identifying PPP opportunities for Hulic, the studio’s approach is to un-
derstand these users’ interests. We identified users’ interests as: safety, atmosphere, accessibility,
public space and functionality. Ultimately, we have designated government regulation and PPP as
the mechanisms that the government and the private developer use in collaboration to accommo-
date for these users’ interests. The exercise in this studio was for us to shift the benefit and burden
between these two sides, always keeping in mind the needs and interests of the users, the govern-
ment and our client.

Our Planning Goals
54. Diagram of Issues Observed on Aoyama
Using our approach, we have identified users, assessed their interests, analyzed the issues on
Aoyama Street that conflict with these interests and proposed remedies that will address these con-
cerns. In our consideration and analysis, we have prioritized the interests of pedestrians and bikers.
These groups represent a cross section of age, gender, socio-economic status and nationality of
people on Aoyama Street, helping us provide for the greatest diversity of users. Additionally, these
groups contribute to the interests of our client and the government. While our client and private de-
velopers are interested in attracting and retaining foot traffic to frequent businesses located on the
street, the government is interested in providing a more sustainable, health conscious environment
for citizens. Making Aoyama Street more pedestrian friendly will contribute to the health of an aging
society. The safety concerns of these groups are critical for effective disaster planning. Additionally,
bikers and pedestrians are a representative group for tourists who will attend Olympic events at
nearby venues.
Through this approach, proposals will also contribute to the overall identity of Aoyama Street mov-
ing forward. Bikers and pedestrians are the means through which the street can connect its diverse
functions, establishing a more individual identity or set of identities.
With this approach, we created the following mission statement:
“Coordinating the resources of the private sector with the needs of the public, we will use the users’
interests to indicate how we can create a sustainable and profitable identity for Aoyama Street. In
doing so, we will emphasize streetscape design and the needs of pedestrians and bikers.”
Additionally, we hope to use our analysis and proposals to provide a framework for examining issues
and opportunities for development and public private partnership in other parts of Tokyo. We believe
this work can provide our client and government with a useful toolbox to improve services and facil-
ities for the public, while promoting health and sustainability.

Methodology and Data Analysis
55. Taking Vehicular Counts 56. Surveying Buildings Along Aoyama Street

Description of on Site Research
When we arrived in Tokyo, we visited Aoyama Street and verified some of
our earlier conclusions and gathered data and observations that would lead
us to a more concrete outline of the issues of the street’s existing conditions.
While we were on site we conducted counts of users, vehicles, bikers, illegally
parked bikes and inventoried and recorded the buildings functions and street
typologies. We also took note of the streetscape, documenting street furniture
as well as the greenery.
Additionally, we analyzed the street’s accessibility to the backstreets and sur-
veyed the “bean paste” to get a more comprehensive understanding of the
character of the area. The streets accessibility to the backstreets will be im-
portant in analyzing evacuation measures, since Aoyama is a major evacua-
tion road.
Furthermore, we analyzed the street’s accessibility for the elderly and foreign-
ers since the population is aging, and the Olympics will bring many interna-
tional visitors to the area. To do so, we took note of barrier free accessibility,
ease of crossing the street, and location of street furniture. For foreigners, we
analyzed street maps, signage and navigation in the area.
In addition, we held face-to-face meetings that ranged from people on the
street, to formal collaborations with our client as well as informative meetings
with scholars from Keio University and Aoyama Gakuin University and Minato
Ward officials. In our meeting with the Minato Ward, we learned the govern-
ment was mostly interested in PPP’s that would provide public housing, senior
housing, and disaster related provisions. Therefore, on our site we also ana-
lyzed potential opportunities to engage in these partnerships.
57. On-Site Research

64. Existing Functions on Aoyama Street
63. Aoyama Street Section Showing Inconsistent Height of Buildings
Antique Street Omotesando Killer Street
More than 10 Stories
0.2 0.4
Miles
One & Two Family Buildings
Multi-Family Buildings
Mixed Residential and Commercial Buildings
Commercial and Office Buildings
Transportion and Utility
Public Facilities and Institutions
Open Space and Outdoor Recreation
Office Buildings
Educational Institutions
Retail
Hospital and Health Care Service
Restaurant and Residential
Restaurant and Offices
Tokyo residents view Aoyama Street in different ways. Some think of it as a historical road, remind-
ing them of the Edo period Daimyo mansions. Others think of the American occupation after World
War II, and many link Aoyama’s image to luxury retail on nearby Omotesando. It seems that Aoyama
does not transmit one sense of individuality. While the street is not dilapidated or deteriorating, we
believe making Aoyama more distinguishable and unique is an opportunity for Hulic and the govern-
ment to provide new and better services for the public’s benefit.
To analyze the issue of identity, we visited streets in Tokyo known for their individual character.
These streets are: Ginza, Omotesando, Yanaka and Roppongi. Before departing, we studied these
streets and learned about their location and history. While in Tokyo we surveyed the width, length
and land uses on the streets. We identified the character based on our observations, and took into
account what types of users frequented each area. We also recorded differences we observed be-
tween Aoyama Street and our assigned street. In addition to our official street study work, we visit-
ed neighborhoods in Tokyo that gave us a sense of the strongly function-oriented parts of the city.
These included: Marunouchi, Daikanyama and Nihonbashi.
On Site Data Collection
Issue 1: Identity
58. Aoyama Street: Mismatching Building Façades 59. Median on Aoyama Street
61. Iconic Architecture on
Omotesando St.
60. Ginza pedestrian weekend
In order to compare these streets and neighborhood to our own study area, we conducted the same
surveys and research on Aoyama Street and its surrounding areas to the north and south. As shown
in image 64, we inventoried building functions and heights and observed users.
We recorded this information with video and photos.
62. Tokyu Plaza on Omote-
sando St.

Issue 2: Bike & Pedestrian Friendliness
71. Illegally Parked Bikes on Aoyama Street
While on Aoyama Street, we counted particular user groups including the elderly and children (see
Appendix D). We also calculated ridership of cyclists at various times during the week and on the
weekend (see maps 65-70). These counts were conducted manually during fifteen-minute intervals
at five intersections along the street. We also counted illegal bike parking along the sidewalks on
Aoyama Street. Through observation, we evaluated the types of users on Aoyama Street as well.
We observed some bikers on the road alongside cars, where they are officially encouraged to ride,
but many bikers preferred the sidewalk. This was a result of another observation: bikers varied in
purpose and speed. Many parents biked with children on the front and back of their bikes, but others
appeared to be biking fast for exercise. We also inventoried Aoyama Street for open spaces and rest
areas including street furniture (see maps 75-76).
72. Overhead Bridges
73. Bikers Obstructing Pedestrians Traffic 74. Lack of Street Furniture. People Sitting on Railing
65. Vehicle Counts - Weekday AM
(15 minute intervals)
68. Bike Counts - Weekday AM
67. Vehicle Counts - Weekend
70. Bike Counts - Weekend
66. Vehicle Counts - Weekday PM
69. Bike Counts - Weekday PM
Public Open Space
Private Open Space
76. Existing Benches on Aoyama St.75. Existing Open Space on Aoyama Street

Issue 3: Connectivity
On Aoyama Street we conducted an inventory of overhead bridges and crosswalk locations. We
also observed connectivity through navigational tools provided on the street including signage and
maps.
On site we measured the distance between crosswalks, and mapped where overhead bridges are
located. We also took an inventory of all the open space on Aoyama Street and displayed them on
maps 77-78.
We surveyed public spaces for accessibili-
ty and their connection to areas surrounding
Aoyama Street. We also conducted block in-
ventories of building heights and functions in
representative locations to the north and south
of Aoyama Street (figures 79-81).
77. Existing Crosswalks on Aoyama St. 78. Existing Overhead Bridges on Aoyama St.
Block Survey 1
Block Study 2
21.5 ft
7 ft
13 ft
13 ft
10 ft
6 ft
14 ft
13 ft
19 ft
27 ft
One & Two Family Buildings
Multi-Family Buildings
Mixed Residential and Commercial Buildings
Commercial and Office Buildings
Public Facilities and Institutions
Open Space and Outdoor Recreation
Office Buildings
Educational Institutions
Retail
Hospital and Health Care Service
Food and Residential
Food and Offices
55.7
42.6
26.2
26.2
36 36
55.7
95.1
60.412.1
Office Building
Parking Space
Shared Open Space of
Apartment Buildings
Open Space of
Church & Kindergarten
80. Base Map Showing Buildings vs Open Space
82. Function Map
79. Location Map
81. Block Section

Background Research
& Case Studies
83. Privately Owned Public Space, San Francisco
http://www.whichwayaustin.blogspot.com

Aoyama Street is located in between popular destinations: Harajuku, Omotesando, the Olympic Na-
tional Stadium, and Shibuya. More often than not, people notice these surrounding streets instead
of Aoyama Street. Rather than a “go to” destination, the street is viewed and used only as a transi-
tory space, making these popular destinations connected and accessible to locals and tourists alike.
Through our on site research, we identified a number of characteristics that contribute to the indi-
vidual identity of a street in Tokyo. We concluded that clustering of functions and complementary
programming are features that attract locals and tourists to visit and use these streets. Additionally,
we concluded that cohesive street design, including façade, building heights and greenery contrib-
ute to an attractive sense of place.
Based on our street studies mentioned above, we determined that areas including Daikanyama,
Marunouchi, Roppongi and Tokyo Midtown, as well as individual streets including Omotesando,
Ginza and Yanaka demonstrate a strong individual identity through the clustering of functions. These
areas and streets are distinct from each other, and each maintains a strong unique character. Using
a matrix analysis (figures 84-85) we determined that the specificity of functions contributes heavily
to this. Additionally, coherency of street design aspects such as building heights, colors and signage
contribute to the individuality and place value of a street.
From inventorying the functions along Aoyama we concluded that there is a
variety of land uses. However, we also noticed patterns beginning to form, as
particular areas have adapted to surrounding landmarks.
Identity
Street Divisions
low/very little
medium/
some
high/a lot
84. Matrice of Street Comparisons 85. Matrice of Aoyama street Sections Comparison

- Streetside Zones
According to the Congress for the New Urbanism, a key
aspect in achieving an immersive walking experience
is through the utilization of the sidewalk or the “street-
side.” The streetside section contains four zones of des-
ignated pedestrian activity: the edge zone, furnishings
zone, throughway zone, and frontage zone.
The “edge zone” is the area between the face of the
curb and the furnishing zone that provides the minimum
necessary separation between objects and activities in
the streetside and vehicles in the traveled way (Institute
of Transportation Engineers, 2010).
The furnishings zone is the area of the streetside that
provides a buffer between pedestrians and vehicles (In-
stitute of Transportation Engineers, 2010).
Many streets and neighborhoods in Tokyo maintain strong identities based on the functions they
provide their users. However, this does not mean that these areas only offer one service. The
strength of their functionality also lies in their ability to provide complementary functions to their
dominant function. Additionally, attractive design elements and coherency of building heights, fa-
cades and landscape design make these areas attractive and leave a lasting impression. This in
turn is of value to businesses in these areas. Businesses can benefit from having stores with similar
and complementary functions nearby. In a context where government is interested in participating in
PPP, it is also in the best interest of the government to regulate areas to support particular functions
and their complements in this way.
- Marunouchi
Marunouchi, located at the outer ring of the imperial palace, is part of the central business district
of Tokyo. Maronuchi is one of the most prestigious office districts in Tokyo. However, because this
area was only serving a business function, it was nearly empty on weekends. Starting from the
late- 1990s, local landowners in conjunction with the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, East Japan
Railway Company and Chiyoda city formulated the “Renewal of Marunouchi” plan. Among the “Pub-
lic-Private Partnership in City-Planning” initiatives outlined was the development of its underground
pedestrian networks. These networks allowed for a series of shopping arcades that have created
market mechanism encouraging the private sector to integrate modern, highly accessible subway
entrances into their large office towers. This renewal represents a move towards complementary
functions based on an original core business use, which has established its strong identity and sta-
tus as a popular destination.
The furnishing zone is generally used for things such as planting, utility poles, transit boarding areas
and retail kiosks (Institute of Transportation Engineers, 2010).
The throughway zone serves as the main walkway for pedestrians. Given that this is where much of
the pedestrian traffic will happen, the area must be a minimum 1.8 meters wide, obstacle free with
a smooth surface (Institute of Transportation Engineers, 2010).
The frontage zone is the area between the throughway and the building front or private property line
that is used to buffer pedestrians from window shoppers, appurtenances and doorways. It contains
things like private street furniture, private signage and merchandise displays (Institute of Transpor-
tation Engineers, 2010).Considerations for the frontage zone include creating pedestrian comfort
and space for overhanging elements (Institute of Transportation Engineers, 2010).
Other than the specific issues pertaining to these different zones, general issues of safety, public
space use, and streetside facilities are also included in considering the overall streetside design.
Design CoherencyFunctional Clustering in Tokyo
87. Street-side zone designations
Congress for the New Urbanism
86. Marunouchi Business District

Tokyo Studio Reimagines Aoyama Street for an Aging Society

Tokyo Studio Reimagines Aoyama Street for an Aging Society

Recommended

Recommended

More Related Content

Viewers also liked

Viewers also liked (7)

Similar to Tokyo Studio Reimagines Aoyama Street for an Aging Society

Similar to Tokyo Studio Reimagines Aoyama Street for an Aging Society (11)

Tokyo Studio Reimagines Aoyama Street for an Aging Society