2. Moatsu FestivalMoatsu Festival
One of my PhD students in India wanted to do a research on theOne of my PhD students in India wanted to do a research on the
dance festival in Nagaland among Ao Tribes. This harvestdance festival in Nagaland among Ao Tribes. This harvest
festival happens once a year, but similar dances are performedfestival happens once a year, but similar dances are performed
for other festivals too. Many of the Ao tribal communityfor other festivals too. Many of the Ao tribal community
members are Christians but go to different churches on Sundays.members are Christians but go to different churches on Sundays.
Particularly Baptists and Catholics can communicate via loudParticularly Baptists and Catholics can communicate via loud
speakers on Sundays at times speaking against other churchesspeakers on Sundays at times speaking against other churches
and asking their members not to relate and communicate withand asking their members not to relate and communicate with
other denominations at all. While this dance brings peopleother denominations at all. While this dance brings people
together and expect them to share their stories of being united astogether and expect them to share their stories of being united as
community. So he argues that the future of ecumenism iscommunity. So he argues that the future of ecumenism is
possible more via cultural than ecclesial means.possible more via cultural than ecclesial means.
2
5. 5
Ethnography defined…Ethnography defined…
""When used as a method, ethnographyWhen used as a method, ethnography
typically refers to fieldwork (alternatively,typically refers to fieldwork (alternatively,
participant-observation) conducted by a singleparticipant-observation) conducted by a single
investigator who 'lives with and lives like'investigator who 'lives with and lives like'
those who are studied, usually for a year orthose who are studied, usually for a year or
more." --John Van Maanen, 1996.more." --John Van Maanen, 1996.
"Ethnography literally means 'a portrait of a"Ethnography literally means 'a portrait of a
people.' An ethnography is a writtenpeople.' An ethnography is a written
description of a particular culture - thedescription of a particular culture - the
customs, beliefs, and behavior - based oncustoms, beliefs, and behavior - based on
information collected through fieldwork."information collected through fieldwork."
--Marvin Harris and Orna Johnson, 2000.--Marvin Harris and Orna Johnson, 2000.
7. The researcher/ethnographerThe researcher/ethnographer
Participated in the dance (as insider)Participated in the dance (as insider)
Observed events and take notes (recordedObserved events and take notes (recorded
audio-visual, smell, feeling, artefacts used,audio-visual, smell, feeling, artefacts used,
movements, seen, taste, heard, other aspects)movements, seen, taste, heard, other aspects)
Interviewed other participants for oral textsInterviewed other participants for oral texts
Returned to verify, frequency, similaritiesReturned to verify, frequency, similarities
Asked people to Interpret and identify themesAsked people to Interpret and identify themes
7
8. 8
An iceberg as an analogy of cultureAn iceberg as an analogy of culture
9. 9
From Gary Weaver inFrom Gary Weaver in Culture, Communication and Conflict: Readings in Intercultural RelationsCulture, Communication and Conflict: Readings in Intercultural Relations
10. 10
To discover and describe fromTo discover and describe from
behaviour the accepted common sensebehaviour the accepted common sense
of a communityof a community
13. Observing with
many senses
Using technologyUsing stories and historical
resources to read
To speak
To see
To hear
To taste
To smell
To touch
To feel and to think
14. 14
Moving from logic to MethodMoving from logic to Method
Participant ObservationParticipant Observation
Five ‘W’s (waters) and One ‘H’ (Heaven)Five ‘W’s (waters) and One ‘H’ (Heaven)
Research IssueResearch Issue
UniverseUniverse
SamplesSamples
Data collectionData collection
InterpretationInterpretation
Method is inductive and qualitative and peopleMethod is inductive and qualitative and people
basedbased
15. 15
Using Ethnography as a TheologicalUsing Ethnography as a Theological
methodologymethodology
““Theology is a formal reflection, description and accountTheology is a formal reflection, description and account
of religious experience, while anthropology presentsof religious experience, while anthropology presents
theoretical interpretations of the life experience oftheoretical interpretations of the life experience of
particular societies in general. As ‘life-studies’ experienceparticular societies in general. As ‘life-studies’ experience
lies at the heart of each; but their fundamental distinctionlies at the heart of each; but their fundamental distinction
concerns the existence of God. ….Christian theologyconcerns the existence of God. ….Christian theology
could not function without belief in God whilecould not function without belief in God while
anthropology operates perfectly naturally without it”anthropology operates perfectly naturally without it”
by Douglas Davis, Anthropology and Theology, Oxford:by Douglas Davis, Anthropology and Theology, Oxford:
Berg, 2002, p.1Berg, 2002, p.1
16. 16
But…But…
Many Cultural anthropologists take GodMany Cultural anthropologists take God
experience as experienced and interpreted byexperience as experienced and interpreted by
people seriously and study them through theirpeople seriously and study them through their
participant observation method…participant observation method…
Their common experience and behaviour areTheir common experience and behaviour are
organised around the symbolic meanings andorganised around the symbolic meanings and
expectations that are attached to objects that areexpectations that are attached to objects that are
socially valued (Symbolic interaction theory).socially valued (Symbolic interaction theory).
Bruce Malina NT world Insights from CulturalBruce Malina NT world Insights from Cultural
Anthropology p.22.Anthropology p.22.
17. 17
Symbolic NarrativesSymbolic Narratives
Our task in theology is to examine how the faithOur task in theology is to examine how the faith
community can construct identity through the usecommunity can construct identity through the use
of a central metaphor or symbolic practices suchof a central metaphor or symbolic practices such
as prayer or by creating a symbolic narrative thatas prayer or by creating a symbolic narrative that
tells the story of its ongoing life…tells the story of its ongoing life…
Such practices or stories provide symbolic powerSuch practices or stories provide symbolic power
to enable a faith community to develop an idea ofto enable a faith community to develop an idea of
itself that sustains it through time and enables it toitself that sustains it through time and enables it to
engage with and express its distinctions from itsengage with and express its distinctions from its
culture.. From Elaine Graham et al Theologicalculture.. From Elaine Graham et al Theological
Reflection Methods 109.Reflection Methods 109.
18. Examples firstExamples first
Theology of an individual versus theology ofTheology of an individual versus theology of
people – faith as expressed by activists involvedpeople – faith as expressed by activists involved
in liberation of Dalits (Diversity and Hegemony)in liberation of Dalits (Diversity and Hegemony)
Interaction between ministers and youth afterInteraction between ministers and youth after
the worship service (observation and interaction)the worship service (observation and interaction)
18
19. 19
What is the logic behind thisWhat is the logic behind this
method?method?
Ethnographic method is part of Cultural AnthropologicalEthnographic method is part of Cultural Anthropological
studies. A key concept instudies. A key concept in Cultural AnthropologyCultural Anthropology isis CultureCulture..
Every organization (i.e. society) has a distinctive "Culture";Every organization (i.e. society) has a distinctive "Culture";
each has an unique cognitive structure (e.g. thoughts, worldeach has an unique cognitive structure (e.g. thoughts, world
view – purposes -functions), rules of moral conduct (e.g.view – purposes -functions), rules of moral conduct (e.g.
norms, ethos) and patterns of social interactions (e.g. socialnorms, ethos) and patterns of social interactions (e.g. social
structure, family).structure, family).
An anthropologist researches global cultures by fieldworkAn anthropologist researches global cultures by fieldwork
which is accomplished by immersion into a society's socio-which is accomplished by immersion into a society's socio-
cultural environment. It is a study by "doing" (participating)cultural environment. It is a study by "doing" (participating)
and "analyzing" (observation).and "analyzing" (observation).
20. Methodological principlesMethodological principles
Natural. This is the view that the aim of social researchNatural. This is the view that the aim of social research
is to capture the character of naturally occurring humanis to capture the character of naturally occurring human
behavior, and that this can only be achieved by first-behavior, and that this can only be achieved by first-
hand contact with it, not by inferences from whathand contact with it, not by inferences from what
people do in artificial settings like experiments or frompeople do in artificial settings like experiments or from
what they say in interviews about what they dowhat they say in interviews about what they do
elsewhere.elsewhere.
Discovery. Another feature of ethnographic thinking isDiscovery. Another feature of ethnographic thinking is
a conception of the research process as inductive ora conception of the research process as inductive or
discovery-based; rather than as being limited to thediscovery-based; rather than as being limited to the
testing of explicit hypotheses.testing of explicit hypotheses.
20
21. fieldwork:fieldwork:
1. Be descriptive in taking field notes.1. Be descriptive in taking field notes.
2. Gather a variety of information from different perspectives.2. Gather a variety of information from different perspectives.
3. Cross-validate and triangulate by gathering different kinds of3. Cross-validate and triangulate by gathering different kinds of
data. Example: observations, interviews, programdata. Example: observations, interviews, program
documentation, recordings, and photographs.documentation, recordings, and photographs.
4. Use quotations; represent program participants in their own4. Use quotations; represent program participants in their own
terms. Capture participants' views of their own experiences interms. Capture participants' views of their own experiences in
their own words.their own words.
5. Select key informants wisely and use them carefully. Draw on5. Select key informants wisely and use them carefully. Draw on
the wisdom of their informed perspectives, but keep in mind thatthe wisdom of their informed perspectives, but keep in mind that
their perspectives are limited.their perspectives are limited.
6. Be aware of and sensitive to the different stages of fieldwork.6. Be aware of and sensitive to the different stages of fieldwork.
21
22. ETHICS IN ETHNOGRAPHICETHICS IN ETHNOGRAPHIC
RESEARCHRESEARCH
In a nutshell, researchers must make their researchIn a nutshell, researchers must make their research
goals clear to the members of the community wheregoals clear to the members of the community where
they undertake their research and gain the informedthey undertake their research and gain the informed
consent of their consultants to the research beforehand.consent of their consultants to the research beforehand.
It is also important to learn whether the group wouldIt is also important to learn whether the group would
prefer to be named in the written report of the researchprefer to be named in the written report of the research
or given a pseudonym and to offer the results of theor given a pseudonym and to offer the results of the
research if informants would like to read it. Most of all,research if informants would like to read it. Most of all,
researchers must be sure that the research does notresearchers must be sure that the research does not
harm or exploit those among whom the research isharm or exploit those among whom the research is
done.done.
22
23. You never net a fish without getting wetYou never net a fish without getting wet
– we all start with mistakes in– we all start with mistakes in
observations or chaosobservations or chaos
24. What do you do with texts?What do you do with texts?
ANALYZING, INTERPRETING ANDANALYZING, INTERPRETING AND
REPORTING FINDINGSREPORTING FINDINGS
QUALITATIVE DESCRIPTIONQUALITATIVE DESCRIPTION
BALANCE BETWEEN DESCRIPTIONBALANCE BETWEEN DESCRIPTION
AND ANALYSISAND ANALYSIS
VERIFYING, GROUPING,VERIFYING, GROUPING,
THEMATIZING, RELATING TOTHEMATIZING, RELATING TO
EXISTING THEORETICALEXISTING THEORETICAL
FRAMEWORKSFRAMEWORKS
24
25. QDA (Qualitative Data Analysis)QDA (Qualitative Data Analysis)
Content analysisContent analysis
Thematic analysisThematic analysis
Narrative analysisNarrative analysis
Grounded theoryGrounded theory
25
26. So what?So what?
What did you discover?What did you discover?
How did you prove?How did you prove?
What is/are your contribution –something newWhat is/are your contribution –something new
to the ongoing discussions in the field that youto the ongoing discussions in the field that you
had done your research?had done your research?
How did you go beyond the existing theoreticalHow did you go beyond the existing theoretical
or theological concepts? Relating to literatureor theological concepts? Relating to literature
reviewsreviews
26
27. Reflexive questions?Reflexive questions?
Representation? Being a small groupRepresentation? Being a small group
Reliable? UnrepeatableReliable? Unrepeatable
Time consuming?Time consuming?
Influence of presence? Of the researcherInfluence of presence? Of the researcher
Risk of the researcher? In some context/sRisk of the researcher? In some context/s
AdvantagesAdvantages
Deeper social interactionsDeeper social interactions
Valid data of people rather than researcher’sValid data of people rather than researcher’s
Open to new insightsOpen to new insights 27
Editor's Notes
In order to answer their research questions and gather research material, ethnographers (sometimes called fieldworkers) often live among the people they are studying, or at least spend a considerable amount of time with them. While there, ethnographers engage in "participant observation", which means that they participate as much as possible in local daily life (everything from important ceremonies and rituals to ordinary things like meal preparation and consumption) while also carefully observing everything they can about it.
http://home.snu.edu/%7Ehculbert/anthro.htm
Here again, a strange phenomenon has emerged. Hinduism, projected as the least 'converting' of religions, has added the maximum number of 383 communities to its fold. Against this, Christianity has added just 267 and Islam 112. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/survey-discovers-astonishing-facts-about-people-of-india/1/302013.html
http://www.qvctc.commnet.edu/brian/cultant.html
http://www.anthja.com/CA3.html
http://www.qvctc.commnet.edu/brian/cultant.html
http://www.anthja.com/CA3.html
An anthropologist often asks questions such as: How are we different and how are we similar?
Another important implication of naturalism is that in studying natural settings the researcher should seek to minimize her or his effects on the behavior of the people being studied. The aim of this is to increase the chances that what is discovered in the setting will be generalizable to other similar settings that have not been researched. Finally, the notion of naturalism implies that social events and processes must be explained in terms of their relationship to the context in which they occur.
http://www.qualitative-research.net/index.php/fqs/article/view/466/996#g3
Participant Observation as a Data Collection Method
Barbara B. Kawulich
(a) Build trust and rapport at the entry stage. Remember that the researcher-observer is also being observed and evaluated.
(b) Stay alert and disciplined during the more routine middle-phase of fieldwork.
(c) Focus on pulling together a useful synthesis as fieldwork draws to a close.
(d) Be disciplined and conscientious in taking detailed field notes at all stages of fieldwork.
(e) Be as involved as possible in experiencing the observed setting as fully as possible while maintaining an analytical perspective grounded in the purpose of the fieldwork: to conduct research.
(f) Clearly separate description from interpretation and judgment.
(g) Provide formative feedback as part of the verification process of fieldwork. Time that feedback carefully. Observe its impact.
(h) Include in your field notes and observations reports of your own experiences, thoughts, and feelings. These are also field data.
Fieldwork is a highly personal experience. The meshing of fieldwork procedures with individual capabilities and situational variation is what makes fieldwork a highly personal experience. The validity and meaningfulness of the results obtained depend directly on the observer's skill, discipline, and perspective. This is both the strength and weakness of observational methods.
Cultural and social anthropology
Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical texts, which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) by Bronisław Malinowski, Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson, or "The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value on doing ethnographic research. The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views of where the culture begins and ends. Using language or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is common.[20] Ethnographies are also sometimes called "case studies."[21] Ethnographers study and interpret culture, its universalities and its variations through ethnographic study based on fieldwork. An ethnography is a specific kind of written observational science which provides an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another society, living with the local people and learning about their ways of life.
Ethnographers are participant observers. They take part in events they study because it helps with understanding local behavior and thought. Classic examples are Carol B. Stack's All Our Kin,[22] Jean Briggs' Never in Anger, Richard Lee's Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, Victor Turner's Forest of Symbols, David Maybry-Lewis' Akew-Shavante Society, E.E. Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer, and Claude Lévi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques. Iterations of ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist camp include Joseph W. Bastien's "Drum and Stethoscope" (1992), Bartholomew Dean's recent (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[23]
Bronisław Malinowski among Trobriand tribe
Part of the ethnographic collection of the Međimurje County Museum in Croatia
A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic[7][8] and typically follows an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside references from the formal sciences. Material culture, technology, and means of subsistence are usually treated next, as they are typically bound up in physical geography and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship and social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken, dialects, and the history of language change are another group of standard topics.[24] Practices of childrearing, acculturation, and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[25] Rites, rituals, and other evidence of religion have long been an interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[26]
As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as values, worldview and what Clifford Geertz termed the "ethos" of the culture. In his fieldwork, Geertz used elements of a phenomenological approach, tracing not just the doings of people, but the cultural elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). Then, he sought to determine in what contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline, moved outside that outline to talk about "webs" instead of "outlines"[27] of culture.
Within cultural anthropology, there are several subgenres of ethnography. Beginning in the 1950s and early 1960s, anthropologists began writing "bio-confessional" ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of ethnographic research. Famous examples include Tristes Tropiques (1955) by Lévi-Strauss, The High Valley by Kenneth Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly fictionalized Return to Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan).
Later "reflexive" ethnographies refined the technique to translate cultural differences by representing their effects on the ethnographer. Famous examples include Deep Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight by Clifford Geertz, Reflections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow, The Headman and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, the rhetoric of ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the discipline, under the general influence of literary theory and post-colonial/post-structuralist thought. "Experimental" ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael F. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by Kim Fortun.
This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the mid-1980s can be traced to the influence of the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited by James Clifford and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[28]
Where Geertz's and Turner's interpretive anthropology recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot escape the personal viewpoint in creating an ethnographic account, thus making any claims of objective neutrality highly problematic, if not altogether impossible.[29] In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe different cultures and societies without denying the subjectivity of those individuals and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[30] Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology,' 'narrative ethnography,'[31] and 'literary ethnography',[32] Writing Culture helped to encourage the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[33] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and subject has become a central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice. In certain instances, active collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped blend the practice of collaboration in ethnographic fieldwork with the process of creating the ethnographic product resulting from the research.[33][34][35]
Sociology
Sociology History
Outline
Portal
Theory Positivism
Antipositivism
Functionalism
Conflict theories
Social constructionism
Structuralism
Interactionism
Critical theory
Structure and agency
Actor-network theory
Methods Quantitative
Qualitative
Historical
Mathematical
Computational
Ethnography
Ethnomethodology
Network analysis
Subfields Conflict
Criminology
Culture
Development
Deviance
Demography
Education
Economic
Environmental
Family
Gender
Health
Industrial
Inequality
Knowledge
Law
Literature
Medical
Military
Organizational
Political
Race & ethnicity
Religion
Rural
Science
Social change
Social movements
Social psychology
Stratification
STS
Technology
Urban
Browse Bibliography
Index
Journals
Organizations
People
Timeline
v
t
e
Sociology is another field which prominently features ethnographies. Urban sociology and the Chicago School in particular are associated with ethnographic research, with some well-known early examples being Street Corner Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Major influences on this development were anthropologist Lloyd Warner, on the Chicago sociology faculty, and to Robert Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded such sociological ethnographies as Shared Fantasy by Gary Alan Fine, which documents the early history of fantasy role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's work on Algeria and France.
Jaber F. Gubrium's series of organizational ethnographies focused on the everyday practices of illness, care, and recovery are notable. They include Living and Dying at Murray Manor, which describes the social worlds of a nursing home; Describing Care: Image and Practice in Rehabilitation, which documents the social organization of patient subjectivity in a physical rehabilitation hospital; Caretakers: Treating Emotionally Disturbed Children, which features the social construction of behavioral disorders in children; and Oldtimers and Alzheimer's: The Descriptive Organization of Senility, which describes how the Alzheimer's disease movement constructed a new subjectivity of senile dementia and how that is organized in a geriatric hospital. Another approach to ethnography in sociology comes in the form of institutional ethnography, developed by Dorothy E. Smith for studying the social relations which structure people's everyday lives.
Other notable ethnographies include Paul Willis's Learning to Labour, on working class youth; the work of Elijah Anderson, Mitchell Duneier, and Loïc Wacquant on black America, and Lai Olurode's Glimpses of Madrasa From Africa. But even though many sub-fields and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic methods, ethnography is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.
Communication studies
Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely used by communication scholars. As the purpose of ethnography is to describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns of values, behaviors, beliefs and language of a culture-sharing group, Harris, (1968), also Agar (1980) note that ethnography is both a process and an outcome of the research. Studies such as Gerry Philipsen's analysis of cultural communication strategies in a blue-collar, working-class neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication.
Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communicative behaviors and phenomena. This is often characterized in the writing as attempts to understand taken-for-granted routines by which working definitions are socially produced. Ethnography as a method is a storied, careful, and systematic examination of the reality-generating mechanisms of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in communication studies seeks to explain "how" ordinary methods/practices/performances construct the ordinary actions used by ordinary people in the accomplishments of their identities. This often gives the perception of trying to answer the "why" and "how come" questions of human communication.[36] Often this type of research results in a case study or field study such as an analysis of speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way firemen communicate during "down time" at a fire station. Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, and participate in and/or directly observe the particular social group being studied.[37]
Other fields
The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying ethnographic methodology to the classroom.
Anthropologists such as Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions about consumers and consumption. In this sense, Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design ethnography as being "a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase the success probability of a new product or service or, more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure specifically due to a lack of understanding of the basic behaviors and frameworks of consumers."[38] Sociologist Sam Ladner argues in her book,[39] that understanding consumers and their desires requires a shift in "standpoint," one that only ethnography provides. The results are products and services that respond to consumers' unmet needs.
Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services. Companies make increasing use of ethnographic methods to understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The recent Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference in 2008 was evidence of this. Ethnographers' systematic and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by product developers, who use the method to understand unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products. Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about what people really do, ethnography links what people say to what they do—avoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.
Evaluating ethnography
Ethnographic methodology is not usually evaluated in terms of philosophical standpoint (such as positivism and emotionalism). Ethnographic studies need to be evaluated in some manner. No consensus has been developed on evaluation standards, but Richardson (2000, p. 254)[40] provides five criteria that ethnographers might find helpful. Jaber F. Gubrium and James A. Holstein's (1997) monograph, The New Language of Qualitative Method, discusses forms of ethnography in terms of their "methods talk."
Substantive contribution: "Does the piece contribute to our understanding of social-life?"
Aesthetic merit: "Does this piece succeed aesthetically?"
Reflexivity: "How did the author come to write this text…Is there adequate self-awareness and self-exposure for the reader to make judgments about the point of view?"[41]
Impact: "Does this affect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?" Does it move me?
Expresses a reality: "Does it seem 'true'—a credible account of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense of the 'real'?"
Challenges of ethnography
This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2015) Ethnography, which is a method dedicated entirely to field work, is aimed at gaining a deeper insight of a certain people's knowledge and social culture.
Ethnography's advantages are:
It can open up certain experiences during group research that other research methods fail to cover.
Notions that are taken for granted can be highlighted and confronted.
It can tap into intuitive and deep human understanding of and interpretations of (by the ethnographer) the accounts of informants (those who are being studied), which goes far beyond what quantitative research can do in terms of extracting meanings.
Ethnography allows people outside of a culture (whether of a primitive tribe or of a corporation's employees) to learn about its members' practices, motives, understandings and values.
However, there are certain challenges or limitations for the ethnographic method:
Deep expertise is required: Ethnographers must accumulate knowledge about the methods and domains of interest, which can take considerable training and time.
Sensitivity: The ethnographer is an outsider and must exercise discretion and caution to avoid offending, alienating or harming those being observed.
Access: Negotiating access to field sites and participants can be time-consuming and difficult. Secretive or guarded organizations may require different approaches in order for researchers to succeed.[42]
Duration and cost: Research can involve prolonged time in the field, particularly because building trust with participants is usually necessary for obtaining rich data.
Bias: Ethnographers bring their own experience to bear in pursuing questions to ask and reviewing data, which can lead to biases in directions of inquiry and analysis.
Descriptive approach: Ethnography relies heavily on story telling and the presentation of critical incidents, which is inevitably selective and viewed as a weakness by those used to the scientific approaches of hypothesis testing, quantification and replication.
Ethics
Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have adapted over time, but are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical dilemmas are evident throughout the entire process of conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not as ethical as they claim or assume to be — and that "each job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know".[43]
Fine is not necessarily casting blame at ethnographic researchers, but tries to show that researchers often make idealized ethical claims and standards which in are inherently based on partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and self-deceptions are unavoidable. He maintains that "illusions" are essential to maintain an occupational reputation and avoid potentially more caustic consequences. He claims, "Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying, we reveal truths that escape those who are not so bold".[44] Based on these assertions, Fine establishes three conceptual clusters in which ethnographic ethical dilemmas can be situated: "Classic Virtues", "Technical Skills", and "Ethnographic Self".
Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose following revelations about how the ethnographer Napoleon Chagnon conducted his ethnographic fieldwork with the Yanomani people of South America.
While there is no international standard on Ethnographic Ethics, many western anthropologists look to the American Anthropological Association for guidance when conducting ethnographic work.[45] In 2009 the Association adopted a code of ethics, stating: Anthropologists have "moral obligations as members of other groups, such as the family, religion, and community, as well as the profession".[46] The code of ethics notes that anthropologists are part of a wider scholarly and political network, as well as human and natural environment, which needs to be reported on respectfully.[46] The code of ethics recognizes that sometimes very close and personal relationship can sometimes develop from doing ethnographic work.[46] The Association acknowledges that the code is limited in scope; ethnographic work can sometimes be multidisciplinary, and anthropologists need to be familiar with ethics and perspectives of other disciplines as well.[47] The eight-page code of ethics outlines ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teaching, Application and Dissemination of Results, which are briefly outlined below.[48]
Conducting Research-When conducting research Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential impacts of the research on the people and animals they study.[49] If the seeking of new knowledge will negatively impact the people and animals they will be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[49]
Teaching-When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students of the ethical dilemmas of conducting ethnographies and field work.[50]
Application-When conducting an ethnography, Anthropologists must be "open with funders, colleagues, persons studied or providing information, and relevant parties affected by the work about the purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the work." [51]
Dissemination of Results-When disseminating results of an ethnography, "[a]nthropologists have an ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of both their research and the communication or dissemination of the results of their research on all directly or indirectly involved." [52] Research results of ethnographies should not be withheld from participants in the research if that research is being observed by other people.[51]
Classic virtues
"The kindly ethnographer" – Most ethnographers present themselves as being more sympathetic than they are, which aids in the research process, but is also deceptive. The identity that we present to subjects is different from who we are in other circumstances.
"The friendly ethnographer" – Ethnographers operate under the assumption that they should not dislike anyone. When ethnographers find they intensely dislike individuals encountered in the research, they may crop them out of the findings.[53]
"The honest ethnographer" – If research participants know the research goals, their responses will likely be skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often conceal what they know in order to increase the likelihood of acceptance by participants.[53]
Technical skills
"The Precise Ethnographer" – Ethnographers often create the illusion that field notes are data and reflect what "really" happened. They engage in the opposite of plagiarism, giving undeserved credit through loose interpretations and paraphrasing. Researchers take near-fictions and turn them into claims of fact. The closest ethnographers can ever really get to reality is an approximate truth.
"The Observant Ethnographer" – Readers of ethnography are often led to assume the report of a scene is complete – that little of importance was missed. In reality, an ethnographer will always miss some aspect because of lacking omniscience. Everything is open to multiple interpretations and misunderstandings. As ethnographers' skills in observation and collection of data vary by individual, what is depicted in ethnography can never be the whole picture.
"The Unobtrusive Ethnographer" – As a "participant" in the scene, the researcher will always have an effect on the communication that occurs within the research site. The degree to which one is an "active member" affects the extent to which sympathetic understanding is possible.[54]
Ethnographic self
The following are commonly misconceived conceptions of ethnographers:
"The Candid Ethnographer" – Where the researcher personally situates within the ethnography is ethically problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported was observed by the researcher.
"The Chaste Ethnographer" – When ethnographers participate within the field, they invariably develop relationships with research subjects/participants. These relationships are sometimes not accounted for within the reporting of the ethnography, although they may influence the research findings.
"The Fair Ethnographer" – Fine claims that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known from a perspective. Therefore, it is unethical for a researcher to report fairness in findings.
"The Literary Ethnographer" – Representation is a balancing act of determining what to "show" through poetic/prosaic language and style, versus what to "tell" via straightforward, 'factual' reporting. The individual skills of an ethnographer influence what appears to be the value of the research.[55]
According to Norman K. Denzin, ethnographers should consider the following eight principles when observing, recording, and sampling data:
The groups should combine symbolic meanings with patterns of interaction.
Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and scientific perceptions of reality.
Link the group's symbols and their meanings with the social relationships.
Record all behaviour.
Methodology should highlight phases of process, change, and stability.
The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism.
Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.
SITE DOCUMENTS
In addition to participant observation and interviews, ethnographers may also make use of various documents in answering guiding questions. When available, these documents can add additional insight or information to projects. Because ethnographic attention has been and continues to be focused on both literate and non-literate peoples, not all research projects will have site documents available. It is also possible that even research among a literate group will not have relevant site documents to consider; this could vary depending on the focus of the research. Thinking carefully about your participants and how they function and asking questions of your informants helps to decide what kinds of documents might be available.
Possible documents include: budgets, advertisements, work descriptions, annual reports, memos, school records, correspondence, informational brochures, teaching materials, newsletters, websites, recruitment or orientation packets, contracts, records of court proceedings, posters, minutes of meetings, menus, and many other kinds of written items.
For example, an ethnographer studying how limited-English proficient elementary school students learn to acquire English in a classroom setting might want to collect such things as the state or school mandated Bilingual/ESL curriculum for students in the school(s) where he or she does research, and examples of student work. Local school budget allocations to language minority education, specific teachers' lesson plans, and copies of age-appropriate ESL textbooks could also be relevant. It might also be useful to try finding subgroups of professional educators organizations which focus on teaching elementary school language arts and join their listservs, attend their meetings, or get copies of their newsletters. Review cumulative student records and school district policies for language minority education. All of these things could greatly enrich the participant observation and the interviews that an ethnographer does.
Privacy or copyright issues may apply to the documents gathered, so it is important to inquire about this when you find or are given documents. If you are given permission to include what you learn from these documents in your final paper, the documents should be cited appropriately and included in the bibliography of the final paper. If you are not given permission, do not use them in any way.
ANALYZING, INTERPRETING AND REPORTING FINDINGS
Remember that the researcher is the detective looking for trends and patterns that occur across the various groups or within individuals (Krueger, 1994). The process of analysis and interpretation involve disciplined examination, creative insight, and careful attention to the purposes of the research study. Analysis and interpretation are conceptually separate processes. The analysis process begins with assembling the raw materials and getting an overview or total picture of the entire process. The researcher's role in analysis covers a continuum with assembly of raw data on one extreme and interpretative comments on the other. Analysis is the process of bringing order to the data, organizing what is there into patterns, categories, and basic descriptive units. The analysis process involves consideration of words, tone, context, non-verbals, internal consistency, frequency, extensiveness, intensity, specificity of responses and big ideas. Data reduction strategies are essential in the analysis (Krueger, 1994).
Interpretation involves attaching meaning and significance to the analysis, explaining descriptive patterns, and looking for relationships and linkages among descriptive dimensions. Once these processes have been completed the researcher must report his or her interpretations and conclusions
QUALITATIVE DESCRIPTION
Reports based on qualitative methods will include a great deal of pure description of the program and/or the experiences of people in the research environment. The purpose of this description is to let the reader know what happened in the environment under observation, what it was like from the participants' point of view to be in the setting, and what particular events or activities in the setting were like. In reading through field notes and interviews the researcher begins to look for those parts of the data that will be polished for presentation as pure description in the research report. What is included by way of description will depend on what questions the researcher is attempting to answer. Often an entire activity will be reported in detail and depth because it represents a typical experience. These descriptions are written in narrative form to provide a holistic picture of what has happened in the reported activity or event.
REPORTING FINDINGS
The actual content and format of a qualitative report will depend on the information needs of primary stakeholders and the purpose of the research. Even a comprehensive report will have to omit a great deal of the data collected by the researcher. Focus is essential. Analysts who try to include everything risk losing their readers in the sheer volume of the presentation. This process has been referred to as "the agony of omitting". The agony of omitting on the part of the researcher is matched only by the readers' agony in having to read those things that were not omitted, but should have been.
BALANCE BETWEEN DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS
In considering what to omit, a decision has to be made about how much description to include. Detailed description and in-depth quotations are the essential qualities of qualitative accounts. Sufficient description and direct quotations should be included to allow readers to understand fully the research setting and the thoughts of the people represented in the narrative. Description should stop short, however, of becoming trivial and mundane. The reader does not have to know absolutely everything that was done or said. Again the problem of focus arises.
Description is balanced by analysis and interpretation. Endless description becomes its own muddle. The purpose of analysis is to organize the description in a way that makes it manageable. Description is balanced by analysis and leads into interpretation. An interesting and readable final account provides sufficient description to allow the reader to understand the analysis and sufficient analysis to allow the reader to understand the interpretations and explanations presented.
REFERENCES AND SUGGESTED READINGS
Agar, M. (1996). Professional Stranger: An Informal Introduction To Ethnography, (2nd ed.). Academic Press.
Fetterman, (1998). Ethnography, 2nd ed., Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Hammersley, M. (1990). Reading Ethnographic Research: A Critical Guide. London: Longman.
Harris, M. & Johnson, O. (2000). Cultural Anthropology, (5th ed.), Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon.
Krueger, A. R. (1994). Focus Groups: A Practical guide for Applied Research, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Moll, L.C. & Greenberg, J.M. (1990). Creating Zones of Possibilities: Combining Social Constructs for Instruction. In: L.C. Moll (ed.) Vygotsky and Education: Instructional Implications and Applications of Sociohistorical Psychology, New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Patton, M.Q. (1987). How to Use Qualitative Methods in Evaluation. Newberry Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Spradley, J. (1980). Participant Observation. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Spradley, J. (1979). The Ethnographic Interview. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Van Maanen, J. (1996). Ethnography. In: A. Kuper and J. Kuper (eds.) The Social Science Encyclopedia, 2nd ed., pages 263-265. London: Routledge.
Yin, R.K. (1989). Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Newberry Park, CA: Sage Publications.
http://www.slideshare.net/tilahunigatu/qualitative-data-analysis-11895136
Phenomenology and Ethnomethodology
Emergence
Phenomenology emerged out of Husserl's work. Husserl was a mathematician who became concerned with describing how we experience the objects of the external work and with giving an explanation of how we construct objects of experience. Husserl's ideas were further develop by others, including, Schutz, Merleau-Ponty and Gurwitsch.
Defined
In phenomenology, the investigator suspends his or her belief in the objective existence of the objects he or she perceives in order to investigate, describe and understand how these objects are experienced.
Phenomenology posits that all objects exist because people perceive and construct them as such.
Husserl's work developed into Phenomenological Psychology.
Alfred Schutz developed these ideas into Phenomenological Sociology. His beliefs were based on the idea that all human reflection is grounded in the mundane world of lived experience or Lebenswelt. This world of lived experience exists as the product of actors, but it is taken fore granted and, therefore, unnoticed. Without reflection on this constitutive process, we mistakenly come to see reality as objective.
Schultz's goal was to describe the fundamental features of the social world as it is constituted and understood by ordinary people through their everyday routines.
Ethnomethodology emerged from Schutz's phenomenology and is an extension of these ideas.
Developed by Harold Garfinkel in response to his dissertation advisor -Talcott Parson's - theory of action, Ethnomethodology focuses on the world of 'social facts' as accomplished or co-created through peoples' interpretive work.
Garfinkel posited that social reality and social facts are constructed, produced and organized through the mundane actions and circumstances of everyday life.
Garfinkel set out to empirically explore how people accomplish, establish, produce and reproduce a sense of social structure.
Conversation Analysis is often linked to Ethnomethodology by a common interest in understanding the methodical construction of social action. Conversation analysis takes communication or talk-in-interaction as one of the fundamental ways that people co-construct or collaboratively produce social action and social lives. Conversation analysts have developed an empirical approach to study talk-in-interaction
Common Methods used Phenomenological and Ethnomethodological Studies
Participant Observation. This involves the researcher immersing him or herself in the daily lives and routines of those being studied. This often requires extensive work in the setting being studied. This is called fieldwork.
The observer adopts a phenomenological stance while doing observation. This is a position that questions the objectivity of lived experience in order to explain how the people being observed construct this experience together.
Observing some aspect of social life and the communication between actors that construct that lived experience may also be accomplished by video-recording the interaction between actors. This is a common data collection method used in Conversation Analysis.
Interviewing. Phenomenologists and Ethnomethodologists may also learn about how a particular aspect of social life is constructed or perceived by people by speaking with informants or members of a particular social group. Talking with informants is called interviewing. Interviews vary in degree of formality (informal interviews to semi-structured to structured interviews).
Collection of Artifacts and Texts. Phenomenologist and Ethnomethodologist may learn how social experience is organized and accomplished by examing how artifacts (e.g. written protocols, charts, flowsheets, educational handouts) or materials are used by members of a group in daily life.
Phenomenologist and ethnomethodologist may also conduct small experiements designed to reveal our taken fore granted assumptions regarding social life. See Garfinkel (1967) for some examples.
References
Drew, P. & Heritage, J. (1984). Talk at Work: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Garfinkel, H. (1967). Studies in Ethnomethodology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, Inc.
Giorgi, A. (1985). (Ed.). Phenomenology and Psychological Research. Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press.
Gurwitsch, A. (1966). Phenomenology and Psychology. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press.
Heritage, J. (1984). Garfinkel and Ethnomethodology. Cambridge: Polity Press. Chapters 1-3 provide an excellent background.
Holstein, JA & Gubrium, JF. (1994). "Phenomenology, Ethnomethodology and Interpretive Practice" In NK Denzin and YS Lincoln (eds.) Handbook of Qualitative Research. pp. 262-272.
Jasper, MA. (1994). Issues in phenomenology for researchers of nursing. Journal of Advanced Nursing. 19, 309-314.
Merleau-Ponty, M. (1964). Phenomenology of Perception. (trans. G. Smith), London: Routledge-Kegan Paul.
Moustakad, C. (1994). Phenomenological Research Methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Parsons, T. (1937). The Structure of Social Action. New York: McGraw Hill.
Schutz, A. (1962). Collected papers, volumes 1-3, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff.
Schutz, A. (1967). The Phenomenology of the Social World. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press.
Phenomenology
Ethnomethodology
http://www.qualres.org/HomePhen-3590.html