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MPRAMunich Personal RePEc Archive
Tamil Nadu: Samathuvapuram : Towards
Spatial Equality
Jothi Sivagnanam K. and Sivaraj M.
Department of Economics, University of Madras, Chennai 600005,
Tamil Nadu
28. September 2002
Online at http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/3205/
MPRA Paper No. 3205, posted 21. May 2007
Economic and Political Weekly September 28, 20023990
K JOTHI SIVAGNANAM, M SIVARAJ
H
istorically,socialinequalitieshave
persisted in the caste Hindu struc-
ture and that continue to this day.
Caste discrimination has existed not only
in the form of social hierarchy but also
in the location of habitations. Sheltering
patternsoftheso-calleduntouchableswere
such as to keep them separated from the
mainstream society denying them civic
amenitiesandotherservicesavailabletothe
others. In fact, the settlements itself was
evidenceoftheseinequalities.Forinstance,
the dalit settlements were/are located in-
variablyinthedownstreamofthevillages,
which is insanitary in all possible manner.
ThewidelyquotedGOoftheMadrasPresi-
dency(No1010and1010(A))onthesocio-
economic conditions of the Chingelput
pariahs (1892) describes their poor living
conditions: “...always badly nourished;
clad, if at all, in the vilest of rags; eaten
up with leprosy or other horrible diseases;
hutted like pigs; untaught; uncared for, and
unpitied”. These conditions persisted in
various parts of the Madras Presidency till
independence. Several social movements
had attempted to eradicate these inequali-
ties, without much success. Neither the
pre-colonialrulersnorthecolonialadmini-
strators initiated any constructive attempts
to eradicate these social inequalities, par-
ticularly in terms of their habitations.
Since independence, both the union and
state governments have initiated several
measurestoestablishsocialequalityamong
various social groups/communities. These
measures can be classified into two broad
categories – protective and promotional.
Protective measures include several con-
stitutionalsafeguards,actsandordinances.
TAMIL NADU
‘Samathuvapuram’:
Towards Spatial Equality
The concept of housing communities, where dalits and people of
other castes live together in mixed neighbourhoods and share all
facilities – focuses for the first time on social and cultural equality
in housing programmes. The plan itself germinated in response to
recurrent caste and communal clashes in the state and has received
considerable acceptance among the public.
-29
Economic and Political Weekly September 28, 2002 3991
In Tamil Nadu, cheries, ‘nagars’ and
‘agraharams’ are popular habitation areas
respectively for dalits, caste Hindus, and
brahmins.
Post-colonial government policies have
not encouraged integration of different
settlements. On the contrary, they have
encouraged segregation indirectly by pas-
sive silence about such inequalities. The
government,ofcourse,allottedlands/built
‘cluster houses’/’group houses’ under
various special schemes for the dalits and
all such efforts have changed only the
nomenclature from cheries to colonies.
However, the social and spatial distance
betweenthenagarandcolonyhasnotbeen
bridged. In other words, colonies are
nothing but government-sponsored
cheries, still at the outskirts of the village
without any free access to the nagar and
its civic amenities.
The first samathuvapuram was estab-
lished at Melakottai village of Madurai
district and 100 houses were built at a cost
of Rs 35,000 each. The houses are con-
structedon5-centplotswithabuilt-inarea
of 259 sq ft with facilities. The beneficia-
ries have been selected on the basis of
income criteria from eight adjacent vil-
lages of Melakottai. Of the 100 beneficia-
ries, 40 are adi-dravidars, 25 houses have
been allotted to backward classes, 25 to
most backward classes and 10 to people
of other communities. The allotment is
done in the name of the female member
of the household. That is, the ‘patta’ (title
deed) is given in the name of the woman
(such as the wife of the head of the house-
hold). This, in a way, promotes entitle-
ment and empowerment of women. The
samathuvapuram consists of water tanks,
community hall, primary school, library,
health centre, fair price shop, noon meal
centre, recreation centre, park and play-
ground.Thegovernmentalsoprovidesthe
deposit for electricity connection to each
house. The entire construction work was
handed over to the Tamil Nadu State
Construction Corporation, with emphasis
on the quality of construction. Expendi-
ture towards construction is met from a
special grant from the government. Ex-
penditure towards basic amenities like
roads, street lights, drainage and drinking
waterisprovidedbytherespectivedepart-
ments and local bodies through conver-
gence of ongoing programmes.
The site for the scheme is identified by
the district collector either from available
government lands or acquired from pri-
vate parties. After a proper layout, a patta
Promotional measures consist of specific
schemesandprogrammes.Broadlyspeak-
ing, the former is an indirect strategy and
the latter a direct one. However, several
studies have found that the protective and
promotional measures had not produced
expected results, by way of establishing
equality among different social groups.
Though individual social groups have
attaineddevelopment,differences/discrimi-
nation between the groups still persist on
several grounds. A dalit settlement is one
suchwidelyprevalentdiscriminatoryprac-
ticeinmostoftheruralTamilNadu.Several
housing schemes have been initiated for
dalits but these are located far away from
the main residential area. Of course, dalits
are no longer “hutted like pigs”, and their
housing conditions have improved but the
problem of untouchability still persists.
Government programmes and policies in
general are not bold enough to address
such discrimination directly, that is, they
never attempted to built the ‘adi dravidar’
houses in the midst of other dominant
communitiesorviceversa.Intheearly1990s,
TamilDesiyaPothuvudamaiKatchi(Tamil
Nationalist Socialist Party) and its leading
functionaries, P Maniyarasan, Rajendra
Cholan and Yoganathan, opposed the
creation of ‘colonies’ and demanded
collective housing where dalits could live
among others. The government, however,
failed to respond. The ‘samathuvapuram’
(equality village) housing scheme initi-
atedbytheTamilNadugovernmentduring
the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
(DMK) under chief minister Muthuvel
Karunanidhi, broke out of this mould.
Housing Policies and Missing
Social Dimension Linkages
Government housing policies and
schemes had confined themselves till re-
cently to the economic dimension ignoring
the social and cultural implications of
housing.Thespatialseparationofhousing
settlements due to social exclusion on
caste lines may cut off communication,
interaction with other communities and
sustain practices of social exclusion and
untouchability.Thus,housing,initsbroad-
est connotation, encompasses not only
shelter, economic services and facilities,
butalsoaharmonioussocialenvironment,
conducive neighbourhood and peaceful
coexistence necessary not only to build
social capital but also to develop to human
well-being. Since independence, the gov-
ernment had provided housing facilities
for the untouchables in exclusively iso-
lated places of the main village or at the
outskirts of small towns. In other words,
the government policies had not consid-
ered the integration of untouchable com-
munities with mainstream communities.
However, the DMK government initi-
atedhousingpolicieswherebyallcommu-
nities could live together in the village and
share all civic and other infrastructure
facilities. Lower castes, higher castes and
those ‘in between’ were to live together
in equal comfort, self-respect, and dignity
with mutual respect and interaction. Thus
‘social equality’, which is a fundamental
need to establish equality in a caste-ridden
society, could be attempted through the
housing schemes. Karunanidhi launched
onesuchhousingschemetoestablishsocial
equality through spatial equality by the
creation of model villages called
samathuvapuram.
A Model Village
The samathuvapuram housing scheme
was introduced in 1997 with Rs 35 crore
to establish 100 samathuvapurams in dif-
ferent parts of Tamil Nadu. The plan was
to create model villages in rural areas with
free housing and other facilities wherein
people of different castes and religions
could live together and share civic ameni-
ties and services without caste discrimi-
nation or differential treatment. This
scheme was named Periyar ‘Ninaivu
samathuvapuram’, after Periyar E V
Ramasamy Naicker, a social revolutionary
of the Dravidian movement of the early
20th century. In fact, Periyar opposed the
existence and creation of ‘cheries’ and
introducedtheconceptofsamathuvapuram.
In order to eradicate caste discrimination
and untouchability, he proposed several
actionplans,likeinter-castemarriage,inter-
dining and common dwelling. He also
suggestedthatallcommunitiesshouldlive
together to fight against exploitation.
Inruralareas,castediscriminationprac-
ticesprevailvisiblyandinvisiblyinvarious
forms. Habitation area, roads, access to
basic amenities like water, roads, temple
and burial ground are some of the areas
through which ‘pure’ and ‘impure’ are
demarcated in the name of caste. Caste in
thetraditionalvillagesdeterminesthechoice
of location for habitation. Almost invari-
ably, the habitation area of each caste is
separatedfromthatoftheotherbyagreater
or lesser distance based on the degree of
purity or otherwise of a particular caste.
Economic and Political Weekly September 28, 20023992
is assigned to the beneficiaries, and sites/
houses are allotted at random so that families
from different communities live together
as neighbours. A committee headed by the
district revenue officer selects the benefi-
ciaries in consultation with local bodies
from nearby areas within a radius 10 km.
Facilitiesprovidedforthesamathuvapuram
include town bus from the city, with stop-
over facility by all buses plying on the
national highway. Post office and tele-
phone facilities are also being provided.
Additionally, a dairy farm is being set up,
with 30 inhabitants to be provided with
milch cows. A scheme to extend loan
facility to provide self-employment for
young people at the samathuvapuram is
also envisaged. The district collector has
obtained a written document/undertaking
from each family not to install statues of
religious or community leaders, not to sell
or pledge houses for 15 years, accept using
a common burial ground, not to create
separateplacesofworship,nottoconsume
liquor,nottoletthehousesonrent,maintain
hygieneandanagreementthattheproperty
will be taken over by the government if
rules are violated.
Initially the validity of the samathuva-
puram concept was challenged. However,
Karunanidhi responded by saying that it
was not the claim of the government that
caste-relatedproblemscouldbeeliminated
by this scheme. “The deep-rooted caste
andcommunaldifferencescannotbeelimi-
nated overnight. They exist despite agita-
tion by Gandhiji, Rajaji and others. How-
ever, the government realised that some
concrete steps would have to be taken to
prevent caste and communal clashes, as
the recurrence of such clashes would lead
to law and order problems, which are
detrimental to development and welfare
activities.” He also said, “My wish is that
the entire district should become a
samathuvapuram and the entire state and
above all the entire nation and the world
should become a samathuvapuram”.
However,theinitialcriticismdisappeared
gradually and the scheme has come up
withstrikingresults.Sofar,150samathuva-
purams have been created in several dis-
tricts and about 15,000 rural households
have benefited. Though it may not be
sufficient to meet the actual rural housing
requirements in Tamil Nadu, as a concept
the samathuvapuram has received the total
acceptance of the public. A field report
observed that “the concept of peaceful
coexistence, transcending caste and reli-
giouswalls,asenvisagedthroughtheTamil
Nadu government’s samathuvapuram
scheme is taking a concrete shape in the
clash-torn southern districts, despite its
shortcomingsandpost-projectbureaucratic
apathy. The spirit behind the scheme has
been well taken by the people who are
slowly coming out of their caste cocoon”
(‘Samathuvapurams: Breaking Caste
Cocoons’ by S Annamalai in The Hindu,
December10,1999).Thereportalso brought
outsomeoftheshortcomingsofthescheme
at the implementation level, like quality of
houses, misuses like subletting, and politi-
cal interference in the identification of
beneficiaries.However,theseminorshort-
comings could be rectified through a com-
plete evaluation and proper monitoring of
the scheme. The scheme has been appre-
ciated by the Mohan Commission, which
was set up to look into and suggest rem-
edies for the scourge of caste clashes in
the southern districts of Tamil Nadu.
All these developments have implica-
tionsforournationalhousingpolicy,which
has long focused exclusively on an eco-
nomic dimension. Until recently, rural
housing schemes have not paid attention
to spatial and social inequality. The prob-
lemofruralhousinghadsofarbeenaddres-
sed only through wage employment pro-
grammes like the National Rural Employ-
mentProgramme,RuralLandlessEmploy-
ment Guarantee Programme and Jawahar
Rozgar Yojana, with a small housing
component in them. The Indira Awaas
Yojana(aidedself-help)hasbeende-linked
from JRY and has been made an indepen-
dent scheme with effect from January 1,
1996. So far, housing schemes had not
attempted to establish social/spatial equal-
ity. Some of the existing schemes can also
be redesigned with minor modifications
in their guidelines to address the issue.
This requires no additional expenditure,
but only a strong political will and
commitment.
The concept of samathuvapuram is cer-
tainlyapioneeringeffort,notonlyinterms
of promoting rural housing but also in
establishing spatial equality, social har-
mony and social capital. However, it is
unfortunate that the scheme has been
relegated to the background, because of
the change of government in Tamil Nadu.
Unless there is a change in the mindset of
the political parties, attempts to eradicate
social inequality would be in vain.
[We thank V Loganathan, Tagore Professor
of Economics, University of Madras, and
V Saravanan,GiriInstituteofDevelopmentStudies,
Lucknow, for their comments and suggestions.]
-29

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Mpra paper 3205

  • 1. MPRAMunich Personal RePEc Archive Tamil Nadu: Samathuvapuram : Towards Spatial Equality Jothi Sivagnanam K. and Sivaraj M. Department of Economics, University of Madras, Chennai 600005, Tamil Nadu 28. September 2002 Online at http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/3205/ MPRA Paper No. 3205, posted 21. May 2007
  • 2. Economic and Political Weekly September 28, 20023990 K JOTHI SIVAGNANAM, M SIVARAJ H istorically,socialinequalitieshave persisted in the caste Hindu struc- ture and that continue to this day. Caste discrimination has existed not only in the form of social hierarchy but also in the location of habitations. Sheltering patternsoftheso-calleduntouchableswere such as to keep them separated from the mainstream society denying them civic amenitiesandotherservicesavailabletothe others. In fact, the settlements itself was evidenceoftheseinequalities.Forinstance, the dalit settlements were/are located in- variablyinthedownstreamofthevillages, which is insanitary in all possible manner. ThewidelyquotedGOoftheMadrasPresi- dency(No1010and1010(A))onthesocio- economic conditions of the Chingelput pariahs (1892) describes their poor living conditions: “...always badly nourished; clad, if at all, in the vilest of rags; eaten up with leprosy or other horrible diseases; hutted like pigs; untaught; uncared for, and unpitied”. These conditions persisted in various parts of the Madras Presidency till independence. Several social movements had attempted to eradicate these inequali- ties, without much success. Neither the pre-colonialrulersnorthecolonialadmini- strators initiated any constructive attempts to eradicate these social inequalities, par- ticularly in terms of their habitations. Since independence, both the union and state governments have initiated several measurestoestablishsocialequalityamong various social groups/communities. These measures can be classified into two broad categories – protective and promotional. Protective measures include several con- stitutionalsafeguards,actsandordinances. TAMIL NADU ‘Samathuvapuram’: Towards Spatial Equality The concept of housing communities, where dalits and people of other castes live together in mixed neighbourhoods and share all facilities – focuses for the first time on social and cultural equality in housing programmes. The plan itself germinated in response to recurrent caste and communal clashes in the state and has received considerable acceptance among the public. -29
  • 3. Economic and Political Weekly September 28, 2002 3991 In Tamil Nadu, cheries, ‘nagars’ and ‘agraharams’ are popular habitation areas respectively for dalits, caste Hindus, and brahmins. Post-colonial government policies have not encouraged integration of different settlements. On the contrary, they have encouraged segregation indirectly by pas- sive silence about such inequalities. The government,ofcourse,allottedlands/built ‘cluster houses’/’group houses’ under various special schemes for the dalits and all such efforts have changed only the nomenclature from cheries to colonies. However, the social and spatial distance betweenthenagarandcolonyhasnotbeen bridged. In other words, colonies are nothing but government-sponsored cheries, still at the outskirts of the village without any free access to the nagar and its civic amenities. The first samathuvapuram was estab- lished at Melakottai village of Madurai district and 100 houses were built at a cost of Rs 35,000 each. The houses are con- structedon5-centplotswithabuilt-inarea of 259 sq ft with facilities. The beneficia- ries have been selected on the basis of income criteria from eight adjacent vil- lages of Melakottai. Of the 100 beneficia- ries, 40 are adi-dravidars, 25 houses have been allotted to backward classes, 25 to most backward classes and 10 to people of other communities. The allotment is done in the name of the female member of the household. That is, the ‘patta’ (title deed) is given in the name of the woman (such as the wife of the head of the house- hold). This, in a way, promotes entitle- ment and empowerment of women. The samathuvapuram consists of water tanks, community hall, primary school, library, health centre, fair price shop, noon meal centre, recreation centre, park and play- ground.Thegovernmentalsoprovidesthe deposit for electricity connection to each house. The entire construction work was handed over to the Tamil Nadu State Construction Corporation, with emphasis on the quality of construction. Expendi- ture towards construction is met from a special grant from the government. Ex- penditure towards basic amenities like roads, street lights, drainage and drinking waterisprovidedbytherespectivedepart- ments and local bodies through conver- gence of ongoing programmes. The site for the scheme is identified by the district collector either from available government lands or acquired from pri- vate parties. After a proper layout, a patta Promotional measures consist of specific schemesandprogrammes.Broadlyspeak- ing, the former is an indirect strategy and the latter a direct one. However, several studies have found that the protective and promotional measures had not produced expected results, by way of establishing equality among different social groups. Though individual social groups have attaineddevelopment,differences/discrimi- nation between the groups still persist on several grounds. A dalit settlement is one suchwidelyprevalentdiscriminatoryprac- ticeinmostoftheruralTamilNadu.Several housing schemes have been initiated for dalits but these are located far away from the main residential area. Of course, dalits are no longer “hutted like pigs”, and their housing conditions have improved but the problem of untouchability still persists. Government programmes and policies in general are not bold enough to address such discrimination directly, that is, they never attempted to built the ‘adi dravidar’ houses in the midst of other dominant communitiesorviceversa.Intheearly1990s, TamilDesiyaPothuvudamaiKatchi(Tamil Nationalist Socialist Party) and its leading functionaries, P Maniyarasan, Rajendra Cholan and Yoganathan, opposed the creation of ‘colonies’ and demanded collective housing where dalits could live among others. The government, however, failed to respond. The ‘samathuvapuram’ (equality village) housing scheme initi- atedbytheTamilNadugovernmentduring the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) under chief minister Muthuvel Karunanidhi, broke out of this mould. Housing Policies and Missing Social Dimension Linkages Government housing policies and schemes had confined themselves till re- cently to the economic dimension ignoring the social and cultural implications of housing.Thespatialseparationofhousing settlements due to social exclusion on caste lines may cut off communication, interaction with other communities and sustain practices of social exclusion and untouchability.Thus,housing,initsbroad- est connotation, encompasses not only shelter, economic services and facilities, butalsoaharmonioussocialenvironment, conducive neighbourhood and peaceful coexistence necessary not only to build social capital but also to develop to human well-being. Since independence, the gov- ernment had provided housing facilities for the untouchables in exclusively iso- lated places of the main village or at the outskirts of small towns. In other words, the government policies had not consid- ered the integration of untouchable com- munities with mainstream communities. However, the DMK government initi- atedhousingpolicieswherebyallcommu- nities could live together in the village and share all civic and other infrastructure facilities. Lower castes, higher castes and those ‘in between’ were to live together in equal comfort, self-respect, and dignity with mutual respect and interaction. Thus ‘social equality’, which is a fundamental need to establish equality in a caste-ridden society, could be attempted through the housing schemes. Karunanidhi launched onesuchhousingschemetoestablishsocial equality through spatial equality by the creation of model villages called samathuvapuram. A Model Village The samathuvapuram housing scheme was introduced in 1997 with Rs 35 crore to establish 100 samathuvapurams in dif- ferent parts of Tamil Nadu. The plan was to create model villages in rural areas with free housing and other facilities wherein people of different castes and religions could live together and share civic ameni- ties and services without caste discrimi- nation or differential treatment. This scheme was named Periyar ‘Ninaivu samathuvapuram’, after Periyar E V Ramasamy Naicker, a social revolutionary of the Dravidian movement of the early 20th century. In fact, Periyar opposed the existence and creation of ‘cheries’ and introducedtheconceptofsamathuvapuram. In order to eradicate caste discrimination and untouchability, he proposed several actionplans,likeinter-castemarriage,inter- dining and common dwelling. He also suggestedthatallcommunitiesshouldlive together to fight against exploitation. Inruralareas,castediscriminationprac- ticesprevailvisiblyandinvisiblyinvarious forms. Habitation area, roads, access to basic amenities like water, roads, temple and burial ground are some of the areas through which ‘pure’ and ‘impure’ are demarcated in the name of caste. Caste in thetraditionalvillagesdeterminesthechoice of location for habitation. Almost invari- ably, the habitation area of each caste is separatedfromthatoftheotherbyagreater or lesser distance based on the degree of purity or otherwise of a particular caste.
  • 4. Economic and Political Weekly September 28, 20023992 is assigned to the beneficiaries, and sites/ houses are allotted at random so that families from different communities live together as neighbours. A committee headed by the district revenue officer selects the benefi- ciaries in consultation with local bodies from nearby areas within a radius 10 km. Facilitiesprovidedforthesamathuvapuram include town bus from the city, with stop- over facility by all buses plying on the national highway. Post office and tele- phone facilities are also being provided. Additionally, a dairy farm is being set up, with 30 inhabitants to be provided with milch cows. A scheme to extend loan facility to provide self-employment for young people at the samathuvapuram is also envisaged. The district collector has obtained a written document/undertaking from each family not to install statues of religious or community leaders, not to sell or pledge houses for 15 years, accept using a common burial ground, not to create separateplacesofworship,nottoconsume liquor,nottoletthehousesonrent,maintain hygieneandanagreementthattheproperty will be taken over by the government if rules are violated. Initially the validity of the samathuva- puram concept was challenged. However, Karunanidhi responded by saying that it was not the claim of the government that caste-relatedproblemscouldbeeliminated by this scheme. “The deep-rooted caste andcommunaldifferencescannotbeelimi- nated overnight. They exist despite agita- tion by Gandhiji, Rajaji and others. How- ever, the government realised that some concrete steps would have to be taken to prevent caste and communal clashes, as the recurrence of such clashes would lead to law and order problems, which are detrimental to development and welfare activities.” He also said, “My wish is that the entire district should become a samathuvapuram and the entire state and above all the entire nation and the world should become a samathuvapuram”. However,theinitialcriticismdisappeared gradually and the scheme has come up withstrikingresults.Sofar,150samathuva- purams have been created in several dis- tricts and about 15,000 rural households have benefited. Though it may not be sufficient to meet the actual rural housing requirements in Tamil Nadu, as a concept the samathuvapuram has received the total acceptance of the public. A field report observed that “the concept of peaceful coexistence, transcending caste and reli- giouswalls,asenvisagedthroughtheTamil Nadu government’s samathuvapuram scheme is taking a concrete shape in the clash-torn southern districts, despite its shortcomingsandpost-projectbureaucratic apathy. The spirit behind the scheme has been well taken by the people who are slowly coming out of their caste cocoon” (‘Samathuvapurams: Breaking Caste Cocoons’ by S Annamalai in The Hindu, December10,1999).Thereportalso brought outsomeoftheshortcomingsofthescheme at the implementation level, like quality of houses, misuses like subletting, and politi- cal interference in the identification of beneficiaries.However,theseminorshort- comings could be rectified through a com- plete evaluation and proper monitoring of the scheme. The scheme has been appre- ciated by the Mohan Commission, which was set up to look into and suggest rem- edies for the scourge of caste clashes in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu. All these developments have implica- tionsforournationalhousingpolicy,which has long focused exclusively on an eco- nomic dimension. Until recently, rural housing schemes have not paid attention to spatial and social inequality. The prob- lemofruralhousinghadsofarbeenaddres- sed only through wage employment pro- grammes like the National Rural Employ- mentProgramme,RuralLandlessEmploy- ment Guarantee Programme and Jawahar Rozgar Yojana, with a small housing component in them. The Indira Awaas Yojana(aidedself-help)hasbeende-linked from JRY and has been made an indepen- dent scheme with effect from January 1, 1996. So far, housing schemes had not attempted to establish social/spatial equal- ity. Some of the existing schemes can also be redesigned with minor modifications in their guidelines to address the issue. This requires no additional expenditure, but only a strong political will and commitment. The concept of samathuvapuram is cer- tainlyapioneeringeffort,notonlyinterms of promoting rural housing but also in establishing spatial equality, social har- mony and social capital. However, it is unfortunate that the scheme has been relegated to the background, because of the change of government in Tamil Nadu. Unless there is a change in the mindset of the political parties, attempts to eradicate social inequality would be in vain. [We thank V Loganathan, Tagore Professor of Economics, University of Madras, and V Saravanan,GiriInstituteofDevelopmentStudies, Lucknow, for their comments and suggestions.] -29