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Chiang Mai, THAILAND
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With generous support from:
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2:2 Ethnic Nationalities Initiative for Tripartite Dialogue:
Part (1): Report on Activities of ENSCC ................................... 38
Part (2): ENSCC Policy Paper .................................................... 45
Part (3): Statement & Declarations ..............................................53
2:3 Report on State Constitutions Drafting Process ..................... 61
2:4 UNLD (LA) Organizing & Alliance Affairs
Committee's Report ....................................................................... 74

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11

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OD;omEd; (&cdi'rua&pDtzJ@G csKyf)
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*************

ylxefvseaygif (Zdr;trsKd ;om;uGe*&uf)
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14

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Edixe;a0 (rGetrsKd ;om;'Drua&pDtzJ@G csKyf)
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Mon National Democratic Front

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15

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Union Karen League

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17

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Chin National League for Democracy

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Naga National League for Democracy

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Kachin State National Congress for Democracy (KNCD)

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POLICY MAKING AND EXTERNAL AFFAIRS
COMMITTEE'S REPORT
Submitted by
Dr. Lian H. Sakhong
(General Secretary)
Introduction
The UNLD was established in 1989 as an umbrella political
organization for the non-Burman nationalities in Burma. From
the very beginning, the UNLD political platform called for the
establishment of a genuine federal union based on democratic
rights for all citizens, political equality for all nationalities and
the right of self-determination for all member states of the
Union.
The member parties of the UNLD contested the 1990
general election under the slogan of “democracy and equality”
and won 35% of the popular vote and 16% of parliamentary
seats (67 seats) in the national parliament of the Union of
Burma. The election results established the UNLD as the
second largest political party in Burma.
Organized democratic opposition in Burma has been
difficult to sustain in the face of the military regime’s tactics
of terror, torture, intimidation, and censorship. Like many other
opposition political parties, the UNLD has been suffering from
all kinds of the regime’s tactics of harassment. Especially after
the 1990 general election, the military government targeted
the UNLD as a most dangerous opponent, second only to NLD,
which therefore must be crushed. The UNLD was banned
and declared illegal in 1992.
Although the UNLD and seventeen of its member parties
had been declared dissolved and illegal, they are still very much
alive and in operation both inside Burma and in liberated areas,
and are doing everything possible to continue the struggle for
democracy and federalism. Inside Burma, the UNLD and its
member parties are operating in close coordination with the

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NLD under the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The
cooperation between the UNLD and NLD is especially
effective in “the Committee Representing the People
Parliament” (CRPP) in which Dr. Saw Mra Aung, one of the
most prominent leaders of the UNLD, is serving as a
chairperson. Unfortunately, the military junta arrested him
because of his strong leadership role in the Committee
Representing the People Parliament.
The UNLD-LA and Its First Conference
The UNLD in exile was officially re-established as the UNLD
(LA) in 1998 by its original members, most of whom had been
forced to flee the country. The Inaugural Conference of the
UNLD (LA) was held, from January 15-19, 2001, with the
aims and objectives of:
1. Official Re-Establishment of UNLD
2. Adoption of UNLD Political Agenda
- Concept & Principles on the Federal Constitution
- Concept & Principles on State Constitutions
- Concept & Principles on Political Dialogue
- Concept & Principles on a National Convention
3. Strengthening & Expansion of UNLD
4. Building Understanding with Allied Forces
- Preparation for Tripartite Dialogue
- Preparation for State Constitutions
At the conference, the UNLD (LA) reconfirmed its
original aims and objectives, which read as follows:
1) To establish a genuine federal union.
2) To guarantee democratic rights, political equality and
self-determination for all nationalities of the Union.
3) To build a firm unity of all nationalities in the Union
based the principles of equality and justice.
4) To promote the development of all member states of
the Union.
5) To abolish all types totalitarianism in Burma.

26

6) To establish internal peace and tranquillity through
dialogue.
The UNLD Inaugural conference re-confirmed the seven
principles of federalism for the future constitution of the Union
of Burma, which had been adopted by the UNLD conference
held in 1990 at the YMCA Hall in Rangoon.
These seven principles are:
(1) The constitution of the Federal Union of Burma shall be
formed in accordance with the principles of federalism
and democratic decentralization;
(2) The Union Constitution shall guarantee the democratic
rights of all citizens of Burma including the principles
contain in the United Nation’s declaration of universal
human rights;
(3) The Union Constitution shall guarantee political equality
among all ethnic national states of the Federal Union of
Burma;
(4) The Federal Union of Burma shall be composed of
National States; and all National States of the Union shall
be constituted in terms of ethnicity, rather than
geographical areas. There must be at least eight National
States, namely, Chin State, Kachin State, Karen State,
Kaya (Karenni) State, Mon State, Myanmar or Burman
State, Rakhine (Arakan) State, and Shan State;
(5) The Union Assembly shall consist of two legislative
chambers: the Chamber of Nationalities (Upper House)
and the Chamber of Deputies (Lower House).
(i) The Chamber of Nationalities (Upper House) shall
be composed of equal numbers of elected
representatives from the respective National States;
and
(ii) The Chamber of Deputies (Lower House) shall be
composed of elected representatives from the
respective constituencies of the peoples.

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The creation of Chamber of Nationalities based on equal
representation of the member states of the Union is intended
to safeguard the rights of National States and minorities in the
Union government. It is also intended as a symbol of equality
among all the nationalities of the Union. All National States of
the Union of Burma shall be represented equally in the
Chamber of Nationalities at the Union Assembly.
(6) In addition to the Union Assembly, all member states of
the Union shall form Legislative Assemblies for their own
respective National States. There must be a clear
separation of Union Assembly, or Federal Parliament,
from the Legislative Assemblies of the member states of
the Union. The residual powers, that is, all powers, except
those given by member states to the federal center, or
the Union, must be vested in the Legislative Assembly of
each National State. In this way, the Union Constitution
automatically allocates political authority of legislative,
judiciary, and administrative powers to the Legislative
Assembly of each National State. Thus, all member states
of the Union can freely exercise the right of selfdetermination through the right of self-government within
their respective National States.
(7) The sovereignty of the Union shall be vested in the people
of the Union of Burma, and which shall be exercised by
the Union Assembly. Moreover, the federal government
shall have authority to decide on action for:
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)

monetary policy,
defense,
foreign relation, and
Such other authorities as may be temporarily
vested in the federal government of the Union
by member states of the Union.

The UNLD Inaugural conference elected a panel of
patrons and the members of the UNLD presidium and the
UNLD secretariats as following:

28

Advisors:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

Dr. Chao Tzang Yawnghwe,
Pu Lian Uk, M.P.,
Teddy Buri, M. P.,
Daniel Aung, M. P.,
Dr. Maran La Raw,
U Khin Maung Kyi
Sao Seng Surk

(Shan)
(Chin)
(Kayang)
(Lahu)
(Kachin)
(Rakhine)
(Shan)

Members of Presidium:
1. Khun Manko Ban, M. P., (Democratic Organization for
Kayan National Unity)
2. Dr. Za Hlei Thang, M. P., (Chin National League for
Democracy)
3. U Tha Noe, M. P.,
(Arakan League for
Democracy)
4. Sai Win Pay, M. P.,
(Shan Nationalities League for
Democracy)
5. Pu Thang Lian Pau, M.P., (Zomi National Congress)
6. Nai Tun Wai, M. P.,
(Mon National Democratic
Front)
7. Sao Ood Kesi
(Shan State National Races
League for Democracy)
8. Mahn Nyunt Maung
(Union Karen League)
9. Khu Shar Reh
(Kayah State All Nationalities
League for Democracy)
10. Kya Aye Maung
(Lahu National Development
Party- LA)
11. Khun Tet Lu
(Union Pa-O National
League)
Standing Body of Presidiums:
1. Khun Manko Ban (Chairman)
2. Dr. Za Hlei Thang
3. U Tha Noe
4. Sai Win Pay
5. Khu Shar Reh

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Secretariats:
1. Dr. Lian H. Sakhong (Secretary General)
2. Sai Doue

Working Committees
I . Policy Making & External Affairs
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Dr. Chao Tzang Yawnghwe
Teddy Buri
Pu Lian Uk
Dr. Maran La Raw
Daniel Aung
Dr. Lian H. Sakhong

(Leader)
(Asst. Leader)
(member)
(member)
(member)
(Secretary)

II. Organizing & Alliance Affairs
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

Khun Manko Ban
Sai Win Pay
Khu Shar Reh
Khine Myo Khine
Pu Thang Lian Pau
Kya Aye Maung
Dr. Lian H. Sakhong

(Leader)
(Asst. Leader)
(member)
(member)
(member)
(member)
(Secretary)

III. Information & Office
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Manh Nyunt Maung
Sai Kyaw Thet
Khun Tet Lu
Sai Win Kyaw
Saw John Lulay
Zo Suan
Aaron Ngun Ceu
Sai Doue

(Leader)
(Asst. Leader)
(member)
(member)
(member)
(member)
(member)
(Secretary)

IV. Finance Committee
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
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Khun Manko Ban
Dr Lian H Sakhong
Sao Seng Suk
Khu Shia Re
Dr Chao Tzang Yawnghwe

(Chairma)
(Secretary)
(Treasurer)
(Auditor)
(Senior Advisor)

The Implementation of Decisions of Inaugural
Conference
A. Preparation for Tripartite Dialogue
At its first conference, the UNLD (LA) officially and firmly
endorsed the United Nations General Assembly’s resolution
for a Tripartite Dialogue between the military government, the
NLD led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the democratic
movement of the ethnic nationalities. The UNLD welcomes
the efforts of the United Nations to mediate such a dialogue.
Pre-dialogue discussions have been started most as a result of
initiative taken by Mr. Razali Ismail who is, Mr. Koffi Annan’s
special envoy to Burma.
As an important part of preparation for a tripartite dialogue,
and also to create an ethnic nationalities platform for a tripartite
dialogue, the UNLD has taken the initiative and conducted
consultative meetings with other ethnic nationalities
organizations, especially the National Democratic Front (NDF)
and its member organizations of armed resistance groups, such
as Karen National Union (KNU), and Chin National Front
(CNF), and others. The NDF is composed of armed resistance
organizations of ethnic nationalities. The UNLD also sent a
team to meet with non-NDF member armed groups such as
Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and Shan State
Army (SSA- South), and also met with ceased-fire group,
namely, the Mon New State Party (MNSP).
A.1. UNLD-NDF´s Joint Action Committee
As a result of these consultative meetings, the UNLD and
NDF—two of a largest ethnic nationalities organizations—
formed a “Joint Action Committee (JAC) of UNLD-NDF”
on March 20, 2001. The committee members of “JAC of
UNLD-NDF” are:
Saw Ba Thein (Chiarman of KNU- NDF),
Khiang Soe Niang Aung (Secretary- NDF),
Dr. Sui Khar (Foreign Secretary of CNF - NDF).
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Dr. Chao Tzang Yawnghwe (UNLD),
Khun Marko Ban (Elected MP- UNLD)
Dr. Lian H. Sakhong (Secretary- UNLD);
A.2. UNLD-NDF’s Mission to the United Nations
Headquarter in New York
The UNLD and NDF also sent a mission consisting of Dr.
Chao Tzang Yawnghwe (UNLD), David Taw (NDF), and Dr.
Lian H. Sakhong (Secretary- UNLD) to the United Nations
HQ in New York City, who met with Mr. Razali Ismail, Mr.
Koffi Annan’s special envoy to Burma, and other high ranking
UN’s officers, including Mr. Danilo Turk, Under-Secretary
General for Political Affairs, and Mr. Hitoki Den, senior officer
for Political Affair at the UN. The mission explained the ethnic
nationalities standpoint on tripartite dialogue and the UNLDNDF´s policy on the future Federal Union of Burma.
A.3. Ethnic Nationalities Seminar and the Formation of
ENSCC
As far as the UNLD´s preparation for a tripartite dialogue is
concerned, the most outstanding achievement undoubtedly is
the formation of the “Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and
Cooperation Committee” (ENSCC) at the seminar held in
Kawthulee on August 26-30, 2001. The seminar was attended
by all major organizations of ethnic nationalities from three
blocs; namely political parties under the leadership of UNLD,
armed groups which are members of National Democratic
Front (NDF), and armed groups but not members of NDF.
The ENSCC has been entrusted with task of fostering
unity and cooperation between all Ethnic nationalities forces
and promote peaceful political settlement in Burma through
Tripartite dialogue. It was also resolved that the ENSC would:
•

32

Undertake pro-active and constructive actions to bring
about peaceful resolution to the political conflict in Burma
through a dialogue process involving the SPDC, the NLD

led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the Ethnic Nationalities
dialogue partners;
•

Consult widely, cooperate, and work closely with all stake
holders in Burma and with the international community,
international bodies and agencies, the UN, and humanitarians organizations to resolve the grave humanitaian crises in Burma, which most seriously effect the Ethnic nationalities popultions;

•

Strive to facilitate an orderly and peaceful democratic transition in Burma, and to rebuild the country in accordance
with the spirit of Panglong, the principle of Equality, Selfdetermination, Democracy, and Justice.

The ENSCC committee members are:
1. Saw Ba Thin, (Chairman of KNU, NDF)
2. Dr. Chao Tzang Yawnghwe (Director of NRP
Program Team)
3. Hteh Bupeh (Chairman of KNPP)
4. Sao Seng Suk (Chairman of Shan Democratic Union)
5. Teddy Buri (President of MPU)
6. Khun Okka (PNLO, Joint Secretary General of NDF)
7. Dr. Lian H. Sakhong (Secretary of UNLD)
The ENSCC has sent international lobby team to Europe
in December 2001, and to North America and Asia-Pacific
regions in January and February of the year 2002.
B. Preparation for the State Constitutions
The UNLD strongly believes that political crisis in present
Burma is not merely ideological confrontation between a
democracy and totalitarianism, but a constitutional problem
rooted in the question of self-determination for non-Burman
nationalities. The best means of solving political crisis in Burma,
therefore, is the establishment of a genuine federal union based
on the principles of equality for all nationalities and the right of
self-determination for all member states of the union, and the
democratic rights for all citizens of the Union of Burma.
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In order to establish a genuine Federal Union, all member
states of the Union should have their own separate state
constitutions, their own organs of state, that is, State Assembly,
Administrative Body, and Judiciary. Indeed, the state
constitutions are inherent and necessary components of a
federal system where power is shared between two levels of
governments. The UNLD therefore view drafting of state
constitutions as not only an important process of the
establishment of a federal union, but also as a preparation for
a tripartite dialogue because this is the issue on which all ethnic
nationalities in Burma can easily find their common ground.
The UNLD, therefore, organized the state constitutions
seminar, together with the NDF, from August 20-25, 2001.
The seminar was attended by the state constitutions drafting
committee members from Chin State, Karen State, Karenni
State, Mon State, and Shan State. Observers from Arakan
State and Kachin State also were invited for they are still under
preparation for forming their state constitutions drafting
committees. Members of democratic forces from the Burman
ethnic group and federal constitution drafting committee
members also were invited to the seminar. The seminar
focused on the basic principles of state constitutions based on
the “model of state constitution” in America. The skeletons of
state constitution, such as—Bill of Rights, Suffrage and
Elections, Legislature, Initiative and Referendum, The
Executive, Judiciary, Finance (including Revenue and taxation),
Local Government, etc., were thoroughly discussed.
As a follow up of that seminar, 17 members of state
constitutions drafting committees from seven states, namely,
Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon, Rakhine, Shan and two
representatives of Burma Lawyer Council, went a study trip
to Germany for ten days, from 5-15 December 2001. This
study trip emphasized the function and structure of German
Federalism in the light of how federal government and state
governments are functioning, how federal and state government
are related with each other and at the same time separated,

34

and how two levels of government can co-exist and shared
power or separate power in a federal system.
In October and November 2002, the UNLD organized
two seminars in New Delhi, India, and Chiang Mai, Thailand,
under the title of The Role of State Constitutions in the
Protection of Nationality and Minority Rights Under
Federalism: Dialogues in support of a democratic
transition in Burma. The seminars were conducted under
the NRP program, and funded by International Institute for
Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) in Stockholm.
The specific themes of the seminars include: The rationale for
federalism (Is it affordable? Will it exacerbate religious and
ethnic conflict, be an impetus for secession?); Boundary
delimitation (How is the federal unit to be structured? On the
basis of historical boundaries or ethnic/linguistic or religious
lines? The advantage/disadvantage of using historical
boundaries/ethnic/religious criteria, and or the creative drafting
of new boundaries? How federalism and decentralization can
ensure ethnic rights?); Conceptualizing state constitutions
(Should they be uniform, contain core features, represent the
unique features, history and aspirations of the state?); Powers
and functions of the Central government and State governments
(Scope of the legislative/ executive powers, Subject matters
under the control of Central government and State
governments, How power is shared between State and Federal
governments, e.g. health, education, Role of National/State
Institutions (Planning commissions, Ombudsman, Auditors,
Central Bank); Challenging issues (Fiscal powers - taxation,
police, judiciary, land rights). Scholars from Australia (Professor
Cheryl Saunders, Australia National University, Melbourne),
India (Professor Yogendra Yadav, Centre for the Study of
Developing Societies, New Delhi), and Nigeria (Dr. Otive
Igbuzor, Secretary, Citizens’ Forum for Constitutional Reform,
Lagos) were invited to present their papers and to share their
countries experiences.
In November and December 2002, a study trip to Germany
and Belgium was conducted by the UNLD for the second
35

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time. The specific theme of this study trip was to see how
local government are functioning and how local and state
governments shared power in federal system. Seventeen
members from seven state constitution committees and federal
constitution drafting committee members participated in the
study trip.
(See also a separate report on state constitutions drafting
process)

***********

Working Plan and Schedule
January 2001+
Consultations and Preparation for Three-year Programme
NATIONAL CONSULTATIONS – INAUGURAL
CONGRES
February 2001 +
Implementation of Decisions of Inaugural Congress:
- Strengthening UNLD and Building understanding with
Allied Forces (A series of meetings and consultations
with Ethnic Forces, especially with NDF; to create
underground channels to contact with inside UNLD
members and Cease-fire groups)
- Seminar on ‘State Constitutions’ (with NDF)
- Conducting ethnic nationalities seminar as part of
preparation for Tripartite Dialogue (with NDF, nonNDF armed groups)
- Workshop on Negotiation Techniques and Strategies
(with NRP)
- Publication: Peaceful Co-existence: Towards
Federal Union of Burma, Vol. 2.
February 2002
36

NATIONAL CONSULTATION – ANNUAL MEETING
March 2002 +
Implementation of Decisions of Annual Meeting:
- Strengthening and Expansion of UNLD, especially in
India side, by opening a branch office in New Delhi.
- Strengthening inside activities through UG-channels
- Seminars/ workshops on a ‘State Constitutions’ (with
NDF)
- Conducting Ethnic Nationalities Seminar (with NDF)
- Preparation for Tripartite Dialogue (and strengthening
the ENSCC)
- Workshop on Negotiation Techniques and Strategies
for ENSCC and other top leaders (with NRP-DHF)
January 2003
NATIONAL CONSULTATION – 2nd CONGRESS
February 2003 +
Implementation of Decisions of 2nd Congress:
- Strengthening inside activities
- Finalizing the Preparation/Drafting State Constitutions
- Workshop on power sharing and relation between
Federal and States
- Preparation for Tripartite Dialogue (ENSCC)
- Preparation for Transitional Government (ENSCC,
NDF)
- Seminar on a ‘National Convention’ (with NDF)
______
Submitted by
Lian H. Sakhong
General Secretary
*************
37

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ETHNIC NATIONALTIES INITIATIVE FOR
TRIPARTITE DIALOGUE
__________
Submitted by Dr. Lian H. Sakhong
General Secretary
Part (1)
Report on Activities of
Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity And Cooperation
Committee
(ENSCC)
1. Background History, Mandate and Mission
The “Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and Cooperation
Committee” (ENSCC) was formed at the Ethnic Nationalities
Seminar held in Kawthulee on August 26-30, 2001, to
coordinate the following non-Burman political groupings:
1. Political parties under the leadership of United
Nationalities League for Democracy (UNLD)
2. Armed groups which are members of National
Democratic Front (NDF),
3. Armed groups but not members of NDF, such as Karenni
National Progressive Party (KNPP) and Shan State
Army (SSA-South).
4. Ceasefire groups.
The ENSCC, therefore, has been entrusted with task of
fostering unity and cooperation between all Ethnic nationalities
forces and promotes peaceful political settlement in Burma
through Tripartite dialogue. It was also resolved that the ENSCC
would:
(i) Undertake pro-active and constructive actions to bring
about peaceful resolution to the political conflict in
Burma through a dialogue process involving the SPDC,

38

the NLD led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the Ethnic
Nationalities dialogue partners;
(ii) Consult widely, cooperate, and work closely with all
stakeholders in Burma and with the international
community, international bodies and agencies, the UN,
and humanitarian organizations to resolve the grave
humanitarian crises in Burma, which most seriously
effect the Ethnic nationalities populations;
(iii)Strive to facilitate an orderly and peaceful democratic
transition in Burma, and to rebuild the country in
accordance with the spirit of Panglong, the principle of
Equality, Self-determination, Democracy, and Justice.
Mission

•
•
•
•

Promote the Profile of the Ethnic Nationalities on the
international stage.
ENSCC, coordinate and work for Tripartite Dialogue.
Reviving the Panglong Spirit, and nation-building.
Build or facilitate Unity and Cohesion among all Ethnic
Nationalities forces, inside and outside, including promoting
and supporting political actions inside.

2. Dialogue Strategy
2.1. Tripartite Dialogue
One of the main objectives of forming the ENSCC, as
mentioned above, is to take pro-active and constructive actions
to bring about peaceful resolution to the political conflict in
Burma through a dialogue process. In lines with this objective,
the ENSCC has launching international and national campaigns,
and produced its position papers under the title of “The New
Panglong Initiative: Re-Building the Union of Burma”.
The ENSCC position is that any transitional authority
arrangement before prior to tripartite dialogue will not be useful
and could create serious problems for a smooth and orderly
transition. The ENSCC, therefore, wants a tripartite dialogue
before the formation of the interim government. The ENSCC
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believes that this arrangement will ensure the smooth transition
by forming widely accepted interim authority. In other words
the tripartite element of the dialogue constitutes a strategic
component of the ENSCC’s strategy objective.
To ensure that there is tripartite dialogue and meaningful
participation of the Ethnic Nationalities in the transition process,
the ENSCC will work toward – push for – the convening of
an Ethnic Nationalities Conference as broached very earlier
on by Razali and the UN team. The ENSCC believes that the
time is now ripe and conditions are now favorable for such a
conference. In other words, a country-wide Ethnic Nationalities
Conference (preferably outside Burma, in Malaysia, for
example) will be a major lobbying and action platform of the
Ethnic Nationalities and the ENSCC.
2.2. Ethnic Nationalities Conference
1. The ENSCC shall conduct Ethnic Nationalities
Conference as soon as possible.
2. The ENSCC should do the coordination for ethnic
nationalities/organizations both inside and outside.
(Detail work plan is not mentioned here).
3. The criteria for selection of representatives to the
Ethnic Nationalities shall be both state-based and
ethnic-based representation.
4. The preparation for the Ethnic Nationalities Conference
would be composed of three parts:
ONE: Letters to Taksin, Razali, Mahathir, Italy, Germany,
and France broaching this idea.
TWO: International lobby trips – e.g., a lobby tour of Europe
and/or lobbying EU
THREE: Coordination works (preparation) between Inside and
Outside Ethnic Nationalities forces.
2.3. International Lobby Trips
(i) The UN and USA trips.
(ii) The EU Lobby trip: ASEM conference in
Copenhagen, Denmark, 22 September 2002.
40

2.4.Panglong Initiative: More Concrete Plan (on
Humanitarian Aid, Cease Fire, and Political Dialogue)
(i)

The most important decision is an agreement on going
ahead with the H-Aid initiative (as a strategic link of
the PangLong Initiative]. HY is charged with the task
of preparing a concrete H-Aid Initiative DRAFT Plan.

(ii)

To be included in the plan are the 10 points on H-Aid
agreed upon at the SCC Meeting in February 2002
(See appendix). Other components agreed upon are
Cross-Border aid (to reach the most vulnerable
population and most in need), Official Consultation (as
opposed to mere “consultation” or informal
consultation), and multilateral (joint) implementation
and mechanism. An issue which could be worked
into the DRAFT plan is “nation-wide” cease-fire, if
needed or suitable.

(iii)

The H-Aid Initiative DRAFT Plan is to be submitted
to the ENSCC for further consultation and decision.
If the ENSCC agrees to adopt the H-Aid plan (after
making necessary changes as needed), the ENSCC
will consult with the mother organizations and push
for support.

(iv)

The ENSCC agreed that there should be an
"independent" Ethnic Nationalities stand on H-Aid and
initiative because their population is the worst affected
and most vulnerable. Also, the ENSCC is of the opinion
that unless clear condition are established, or are tabled
and debated, the "free" or unconditional flow of HAid will mostly, if not only, the regime directly and
indirectly.

3.1. Tactics & Strategy :Federalism vs. independence
3.1.1.

Regarding policy goals and tactical positions, the
ENSCC recognized that the Karenni (KNPP) position
regarding independence vs. federalism is or should be
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the model, and the SSA/S tactical position is the most
suitable. The SSA/S tactical position is that it accepts
Tripartite Dialogue, and that it recognizes that the
people will decide what is best for the people of Shan
State. The RCSS representative stated that if the SSA/
S do not recognize and accept reality, it will be
marginalized and will wither away.
3.1. 2. It was clarified and agreed that federalism is an issue
that is separate from “Joining with Burma Proper”,
and that there is another option – i.e., establishing a
federal union without Burma Proper (……if Burman
leaders do not want to be part of a federal union).
NOTE: The above option, a Federal Union among
territorial states that are committed to federalism (i.e.,
the Panglong spirit and principle), is a strategically
relevant, strategically useful, option – vis-à-vis both
the Burman and international actors — which has not
been much thought about and/or developed by the
Ethnic Nationalities. The unfortunate fact is that
federalism has been confused with “joining with Burma
Proper”. As a result, the thinking of the Ethnic
Nationalities on federalism have been dominated by
an issue that has nothing much to do with federalism
– i.e., the “joining with Burma Proper” issue.
3.2.

The Mode of Representation: States- or Ethnicbased?

3.2.1

On the matter of representation mode, the ENSCC
prefers a flexible mode where both the state-based
and ethnic-based representation mode is recognized.

[NOTE: it was earlier suggested the ENSCC should adopt a
“States representation” mode at the EU-ASEM lobbying and
other tours.]
3.2.2.

42

It was clarified that the Karen were very earlier on
oriented to the notion of ethnic equality and ethnic
rights – from the colonial period – because they were

part of Burma Proper, did not have a separate state.
Whereas the Shan and Karenni are state-oriented
because they “possessed” their own states since precolonial times, and as well in the colonial period.
3.2.3.

Because of the above historical-political context, there
has been much confusion over who represents what.
For example, the NDF’s goal is federalism, a
federation of equal and self-determining states, but it
political language is about ethnic equality, ethnic selfdetermination, not about states.

NOTE: The ethnic equality, ethnic representation, ethnic selfdetermination orientation can be very confusing for
international and academic actors as well because it implies
that politics in Burma is about ethnicity, ethnic equality, ethnic
self-determination – and not about federalism (or Panglong).
The SPDC has used the ethnic oriented language (of the Ethnic
Nationalities) to say that there are over 130 ethnic groups,
thus making it necessary to have a military-dominated
centralized state, to prevent ethnic conflict and the disintegration
of the country.
4. Statement on the Release of Daw Aung Suu Kyi:
(Date: 9 May 2002)
The Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and Cooperation Committee
(ENSCC) commends the unconditional release by the SPDC
of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from a 19-months unlawful house
arrest, and with respect to the meeting of Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi with Khun Htun Oo and other ethnic nationalities leaders,
the ENSCC welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s statesmanlike and correct stand on the right of the ethnic nationalities:
their right to self-determination and the right to resolve their
own problems within the national reconciliation framework.
The ENSCC, formed to achieve national reconciliation in
Burma through tripartite dialogue, is encouraged by the recent
development in Burma owed to the efforts and good office of
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Special Envoy H.E. Razali Ismail, and will continue to work
closely with all parties in Burma, with the U.N., and with
international supporters of peace and national reconciliation.
The ENSCC calls upon the SPDC to respond
constructively to the high expectations raised by its release of
Daw Aung Suu Kyi and urge the SPDC to recognize the rights
of the ethnic nationalities to fully and meaningfully participate
in the national reconciliation process. In this respect, there is
a need for ethnic national leaders and organizations to meet to
resolve Burma’s problem. Specifically, the ENSCC looks
forward to the SPDC’s cooperation in the on-going efforts of
the ethnic nationalities to build a peaceful and harmonious
federal Union of Burma in accordance with the Panglong spirit.
5. The ENSCC Committee Members:
1. Saw Ba Thin,

Chairman, Karen National
Union
2. Dr. Chao Tzang Yawnghwe National Reconciliation
Program
3. Hteh Bupeh
Chairman, KNPP
4. Sao Seng Suk
Shan Democratic Union
5. Teddy Buri
President, MPU
6. Khun Okka
Joint Secretary General of
NDF
7. Dr. Lian H. Sakhong
Secretary of UNLD-LA
- Mr. Harn Yawnghwe
- Saw David Taw

Official Advisor
Personal Assistant to Saw
Ba Thin

*************

Part (2)
44

ENSCC POLICY PAPER
The New Panglong Initiative:
RE-BUILDING THE UNION OF BURMA
Preamble
Over five decades ago, while our leaders were meeting in
Panglong to deliberate the possibility of a future together after
the proposed withdrawal of British protection, General Aung
San, the Burman leader of the independence struggle in
Ministerial Burma arrived. He instead proposed that our
separate homelands in the Frontier Areas be joined to Ministerial
Burma as equal partners in a new ‘Union of Burma’ to hasten
the process of achieving independence from Britain. On 11
February 1947, he said:
The dream of a unified and free Burma has always
haunted me … We who are gathered here tonight
are engaged in the pursuit of the same dream.…
We have in Burma many indigenous peoples: the
Karen, the Kachin, the Shan, the Chin, the Burmans
and others… In other countries too there are many
indigenous peoples, many “races.”… Thus “races”
do not have rigid boundaries. Religion is no barrier
either, for it is a matter of individual conscience… If
we want the nation to prosper, we must pool our
resources, manpower, wealth, skills and work
together. If we are divided, the Karen, the Shan, the
Kachin, the Chin, the Burman, the Mon and the
Arakanese, each pulling in a different direction, the
Union will be torn, and we will come to grief. Let us
unite and work together.
Our forefathers agreed and the Panglong Agreement came
into being, providing a legal framework within which the
different ethnic peoples would cooperate as equals. The Aung
San-Attlee Agreement, which paved the way for Burma’s
independence, had called for the “unification of the Frontier
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Areas and Ministerial Burma with the free consent of those
areas.” The Panglong Agreement, therefore, became the basis
for the 1947 Union Constitution and the Republic of the Union
of Burma gained independence in 1948.
We, the representatives of the Arakan, Chin, Kachin,
Karen, Karenni, Mon and Shan peoples, therefore, in the spirit
of Panglong, are putting forward our vision of how our peoples
can once again work together voluntarily as equals with the
Burmans to rebuild the Republic of the Union of Burma, which
has been devastated by five decades of war.
Background
Our new nation, the Republic of the Union of Burma,
started well with the Panglong Agreement on 12 February
1947. But five months later on 19 July, General Aung San was
assassinated. However, it was not only the Burmans who lost
their leader, two of our leaders, Sao Sam Htun, the Shan
Sawbwa of Mong Pawn, and Mahn Ba Khaing, a Karen, also
died for their dream of a united country together with Aung
San.
In spite of the fact that in the aftermath of the assassination,
the 1947 Union Constitution was rushed through to completion
without reflecting the spirit of Panglong – a voluntary union of
equal partners - our leaders continued to support the government
of U Nu who had succeeded Aung San. When the Communist
Party of Burma started their armed revolution; when the war
veterans of the People’s Volunteer Organization went
underground; when Burman units of the Burma Army mutinied;
our leaders remained loyal to the spirit of Panglong and their
promise to work together to build a new nation.
The loyalty of our leaders was, however, not rewarded.
Instead of moving to conform more to the spirit of Panglong
as the Union Government stabilized, the opposite was true.
Our ethnic identities and equality, which were specifically
recognized at Panglong, were slowly eroded away. Even the
constitutional right of the Shan people to disassociate from the
46

Union after 10 years, guaranteed in the 1947 Union
Constitution, was denied them. Our leaders tried to return to
the spirit of Panglong by proposing to amend the 1947
Constitution.
But General Ne Win launched a coup d’etat in 1962
supposedly ‘to save the nation from disintegration’ and further
denied us our rights even those guaranteed in the Union
constitution. This increasing repression of our rights
unfortunately led to more and more abuses until it finally led to
the unhappy massacre of unarmed civilians in 1988.
The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)
and now the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
arranged separate cease-fire arrangements with different nonBurman ethnic armies. It has represented the cease-fire as
correcting the wrongs of the past, as building peace and
rebuilding the country.
However, while the fighting has stopped in some areas, it
has intensified in others causing more suffering for the people.
This is because the root of the problem has not been dealt
with by the ceasefires. No political negotiations have taken
place since the ceasefires started in 1989 and no political
settlements have been reached between the ethnic armies and
the Burmese military. A comprehensive political solution for
the whole nation is needed, not just temporary military
ceasefires which can be revoked at any time.
The Union of Burma today is facing an unprecedented
crisis – economic, social and political. The survival of the Union
as we know it may even be at stake.
Therefore, while remembering the past, we must look to
the future. The question is - Can we overcome our differences
and prevent the Union of Burma from disintegrating? Can we
work together to perpetuate the sovereignty of the Union of
Burma? Can we unite to raise the quality of life of all the
peoples of Burma?

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We, the non-Burmans believe that all these can be
achieved, if the spirit of Panglong is respected.
Vision for the Future
We firmly believe that the crisis in the Union of Burma
today is rooted in a political problem, specifically a constitutional
one – the non-adherence to the spirit of Panglong.
As such, we believe that our differences can be resolved
through political means, i.e. through political dialogue,
negotiations and compromise. We, therefore, warmly welcome
the current ‘Secret Talks’ between Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
and the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)
led by Senior General Than Shwe.
We are confident that these talks will lead to a wide-ranging
and in-depth political dialogue, the Tripartite Dialogue, involving
all stakeholders that will eventually lead to a new constitutional
arrangement between the various states of the Union of Burma
as was envisioned in 1947.
We recognize that in a mature democracy, there is no room
for a political role for the military but we also recognize that
the military played a key role in the struggle for independence
from Britain. Non-Burman military forces have also played
key roles in the defence of our homelands and to uphold the
political aspirations of our people. In times of crisis, the military
has to ensure that the rights of the people are protected.
We further recognize that in 1990, the people of the Union
voted for the National League for Democracy (NLD) under
the leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We believe that,
she should have been able to form a government.
Therefore, given the crisis Burma is facing, we believe
that it is within Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s mandate − if she
wishes − to invite the State Peace and Development Council
and non-Burmans nationalities, including those with ceasefires
arrangement as well as those without, to form a transition
government to oversee a smooth transition to democracy.

48

The ‘Transition Government’ should, however, make it a
priority to convene a new ‘Panglong Conference’ of
representatives of the constituent states to determine how we
can work together to rebuild the nation.
Interim Measures to facilitate the transition
The ‘Transition Government’, however, will face tremendous
challenges. How can it convene a new ‘Panglong Conference’
or ‘National Convention’, without also dealing with the huge
problems facing the nation – both economic and social?
The ‘Transition Government’ will need to alleviate the
suffering of those most deprived if it wants to convince the
people of Burma that they will benefit if they participate in
efforts to rebuild the nation. Our ethnic homelands have been
devastated by five decades of war. Fertile lands lie fallow,
hundreds of thousands have been displaced from their homes.
They have been deprived of security, their livelihood, education
and medical care, and many are refugees or living sub-standard
lives as migrant labourers in foreign lands.
We, therefore, call upon the international community to,
within the framework of the current ‘Secret Talks’ between
the SPDC and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, explore ways and
means to begin delivering humanitarian aid directly and without
political interference to those in most urgent need, especially
in the non-Burman ethnic states.
The delivery of humanitarian aid to areas of most urgent
need, however, cannot be done effectively and efficiently in a
war zone. We are, therefore, ready to cease all hostilities if
SPDC will also agree to cease hostilities. We are even willing
to unilaterally declare a ceasefire in our respective areas if
the United Nations can ensure that the SPDC will accept the
ceasefire and the international community is willing to monitor
the ceasefire.
Such a nationwide ceasefire will demonstrate irrevocably
that the current ‘Secret Talks’ are being taken seriously by all
parties and that it will develop into an all encompassing political
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dialogue to resolve the crisis in Burma. The nationwide ceasefire
will help reduce the incidence of forced labour (including
military porterage), anti-religious activities, forced relocations
and human rights abuses. It will also reduce the flow of
refugees into neighbouring countries.
Furthermore, as the ‘Transition Government’ moves to
convene a new ‘Panglong Conference’, or ‘National
Convention’, it will need to ensure that all segments of society
including non-Burmans, Burmans, exiles and the military, can
actively participate in the political deliberations and contribute
to the rebuilding of the Union of Burma.
Therefore, we urge all parties to seriously consider the
possibility that the ‘Transition Government’ grant - immunity
from arrest for those considered to be outside the law by the
SPDC and immunity from prosecution for military leaders
considered to have committed abuses by the world community.
A truth and reconciliation process as was carried out in South
Africa could be considered at a later date.
Principles to Ensure Political Stability
In addition to the above interim measures, we propose
that the following principles be agreed upon by all participants,
to enable the ‘Transition Government’ and the new ‘Panglong
Conference’ or ‘National Convention’ to resolve the many
problems we face in a systematic and step-by-step process:
MORATORIUM - In the initial stage of the transition,
before we have decided on a constitutional arrangement
between the historic states of the Union, we should agree to
refrain from attempting to subdivide or change the boundaries
or names of the current states and divisions. All issues of
concern should be addressed in subsequent constitutional talks.
HUMAN AND CITIZENSHIP RIGHTS – Agree that
all citizens of the Union regardless of their ethnic or social
background, religion or state of residence, have the same basic
human and democratic rights. It should be further agreed that
illegal immigrants have the basic human rights as set up in the
50

Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They, however, do
not have the same democratic rights as citizens. It should be
further agreed that cultural and religious rights must be
respected.
DECENTRALIZATION – Agree that all states within
the Union should consider decentralizing their administrative
structures to enable the multi-ethnic societies in their midst to
function in harmony with their respective neighbours and
prevent the unjust domination of one group over the other.
Decentralization, however, should not be taken to mean that
the national government cannot have national policies that will
benefit the whole nation.
PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION – Agree that
proportional representation should be considered for all
electoral processes within the Union including state and local
elections, in order to enable smaller grouping to participate
fully in the political process. Such a system will enable multiethnic societies to function in harmony with their respective
neighbours and prevent the unjust domination of one group
over the other.
Conclusion
The Union of Burma came into being as an independent
sovereign nation in 1948 because all the different ethnic
nationalities agreed to work together as equals. Today, the
Union of Burma is facing a very serious crisis due to the nonadherence to the spirit of and the agreement reached at
Panglong.
The current ‘Secret Talks’ between Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi and the ruling State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) led by Senior General Than Shwe is a very crucial
and important first step in the right direction.
We, the non-Burman ethnic nationalities, warmly welcome
this development and are confident that these talks will lead to
a wide-ranging and in-depth political dialogue that will in turn
lead to a new just and voluntary constitutional arrangement
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between the various states of the Union of Burma as was
envisioned in 1947.
We believe that if we adhere to the spirit of Panglong,
we can overcome our many and long-fought-over differences
and rebuild a nation that will benefit all our peoples.

*************

52

ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာအတူယွဥ္တြဲေနထိုင္ေရး၀ါဒမွသည္စစ္မွန္ေသာဖက္ဒရယ္ျပည္ေထာင္စုစနစ္သို႔ (၄)

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